Local
Choi trial halted after challenge to judge’s ruling
Preliminary evidence shows ‘vindictive prosecution’


Former Army Lt. Dan Choi and 12 others were arrested last year after protesting ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ at the White House. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)
A federal judge on Wednesday suspended the trial of gay former Army Lt. Dan Choi after the prosecutor said she would challenge his preliminary finding that sufficient evidence exists that Choi was targeted for “vindictive prosecution” in connection with a White House protest last November.
Choi and 12 other activists were arrested Nov. 15 for handcuffing themselves to the White House fence to protest the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” law. Choi faces a possible sentence of six months in jail or a $5,000 fine if convicted on a misdemeanor charge of disobeying a lawful order to disperse from the fence.
In a tense exchange between U.S. District Court Magistrate Judge John Facciola, prosecutor Angela George announced she would file a request for a writ of mandamus or legal challenge before the court’s chief judge to contest Facciola’s decision to allow Choi’s attorneys to pursue a vindictive prosecution defense.
Facciola responded by saying he would suspend the trial for 10 days to give George, an assistant U.S. Attorney, time to prepare a motion for a writ of mandamus and to provide Chief Judge Royce Lamberth time to consider it.
William Miller, a spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s office, confirmed that George would seek the writ of mandamus from Lamberth. But he declined to comment further on the matter, saying his office never comments on pending cases.
If Lamberth grants the request, legal observers say Facciola would likely be directed not to allow Choi’s attorneys to pursue a vindictive prosecution defense. Should he turn down the request, Facciola would be free to allow the vindictive prosecution defense to move forward.
Such a defense would allow Choi’s attorneys to pursue documents and subpoena witnesses that Choi’s supporters say could possibly link the alleged effort to go after Choi for a harsher prosecution to higher-level government officials, including officials at the White House.
Defense attorney Robert Feldman called Facciola’s finding that the defense presented a “prima facie case” that a vindictive prosecution occurred a “vindication” of Choi’s longstanding contention that his arrest and prosecution violated his constitutional right to free speech.
The clash between George and Facciola came on the third day of the trial and one day after Choi testified for more than two hours as the lead witness for his own defense, saying he was exercising his First Amendment right to free speech at the White House protest.
In response to Feldman’s questions, Choi testified at length about his role as a civil rights activist for LGBT people and for gays in the military. He told how he models his actions on the black civil rights movement of the 1960s, including the famous lunch counter sit-ins at a Woolworth’s department store in Greensboro, N.C., that challenged segregation laws.
Choi testified that a series of three White House protests against the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” law on gays in the military, in which he and other activists were arrested at the White House fence, were based on the same principle used in the black civil rights movement for exercising a constitutional right of free speech.
“I believe that was a transformative moment,” he said of the White House protests.
George objected repeatedly to Choi’s dialogue on civil rights, saying it was not relevant to the case at hand. To the amazement of some courtroom observers, Facciola overruled her objections almost every time she raised them.
In her cross-examination of Choi, George pressed the former Army officer, West Point graduate and combat veteran in the Iraq war to respond to the charge that he disobeyed a lawful order to disperse from the White House fence.
Choi responded by citing a provision in U.S. military law pertaining to unlawful orders.
“If you are given an order that is unlawful or immoral, it is your duty to disobey that order,” he said.
Feldman and defense co-counsel Norman Kent told reporters covering the trial that Choi’s defense is based, in part, on the premise that prosecutors singled him out for a harsher prosecution when they charged him with violating a federal regulation pertaining to White House protests and demonstrations along the White House fence and sidewalk.
The federal regulation carries a penalty of six months in jail and a possible $5,000 fine. The two attorneys said people arrested in virtually all other White House demonstrations in recent memory – including Choi and other activists in similar protests in April and May of 2010 – were charged under a D.C. municipal ordinance they compare to a traffic violation that carries no prison sentence.
In his testimony on Tuesday, Choi said he believes prosecutors decided to invoke the far more harsh federal regulation against him in the Nov. 15, 2010 case, which he now faces at trial, because of his role as a gay former military officer who is “standing up for my beliefs.”
Choi stated in his testimony that thousands of people appeared to have violated the same regulation with which he was charged when they gathered at the White House earlier this year to celebrate President Barack Obama’s announcement that accused terrorist Osama bin Laden had been killed in a U.S. military operation in Pakistan.
Choi and his attorneys noted that dozens of the revelers that evening clung to the White House fence and did not move back and forth along the sidewalk, as required under the ordinance for a demonstration, when they cheered and expressed support for the president’s role in bin Laden’s capture and death.
By not attempting to disperse or arrest the throngs that congregated at the fence on that occasion while they arrested Choi and other protesters for challenging Obama on his handling of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” law shows that Choi was singled out for “vindictive” prosecution, Choi’s attorneys argue.
Choi and his attorneys also argue that the ordinance that Park Police used to arrest Choi violates the 1969 U.S. Supreme Court decision Shuttlesworth v. Birmingham. The decision overturned a Birmingham, Ala., law used by police there to arrest a civil rights protester in 1963 for demonstrating without a permit on grounds that the law was used to stifle his constitutional right to peacefully parade in a civil rights protest.
In anticipation of Choi’s vindictive prosecution defense, the government filed a motion last Sunday, one day before the trial opened, arguing that rules established by previous court decisions require a vindictive or “selective” prosecution defense to be introduced prior to the start of a trial. The 14-page motion argues that such a defense cannot be introduced during a trial and that Choi’s defense team failed to introduce the defense before the trial started.
Facciola did not rule on the motion at the start of the trial, saying he would do so as the trial progressed to first determine whether Choi’s attorneys would move forward with that defense.
When questioned by George during the trial on Wednesday, Facciola said he chose to reject the government motion on grounds that prior decisions by appeals courts requiring a vindictive or selective defense to be introduced prior to trial applied only to jury trials.
Choi’s case moved forward as a non-jury trial similar to other misdemeanor cases involving alleged violation of regulations pertaining to protest demonstrations at the White House.
George’s announcement about the writ of mandamus came after Facciola appeared to side with arguments by the defense that the government singled out Choi for a harsher prosecution for his Nov. 15, 2010 White House protest.
They attracted national media attention when Choi and 12 other LGBT activists handcuffed themselves to the White House fence. About 75 supporters who assembled across the street in Lafayette Park cheered and chanted slogans for LGBT equality while Park Police removed the handcuffs with bolt cutters and placed Choi and the other protesters under arrest.
In May of this year, the 12 others who were arrested agreed to a government offer to plead guilty to the charge in exchange for the government dismissing the case against them in six months if the activists don’t get arrested during that period for any reason, including a similar civil disobedience protest.
Choi told reporters at a news conference outside the federal courthouse Monday, after the trial recessed for the day, that he rejected the government’s plea bargain offer because he believes the law and regulation used to arrest him is unconstitutional.
“I believe there is no law that, in the history of this country, abridges freedom of speech, assembly, or the right to protest for redress of grievances, which were clear and made plain by all of the defendants,” he said.
George called five Park Police officers and a U.S. Park Ranger as government witnesses on Monday. Under questioning from George, they testified that they had no intention of singling out the protesters for their political beliefs or because of their sexual orientation.
In his cross-examination of the officers, Feldman questioned the validity of their decision to charge Choi under the federal regulation rather than the less serious D.C. municipal statute.
Feldman released an e-mail sent to the defense on Friday by George that extended another offer for Choi to plead guilty to the charge in exchange for the dismissal of the case by the government if Choi refrained from getting arrested for the next four months.
Feldman said Choi responded by saying he would accept the offer only on condition that the government issue a public apology to Choi in court on Monday for the arrest and prosecution against him. Feldman said the government rejected the conditions, prompting Choi to turn down the offer.
A spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s office said the office would have no comment on the case while the trial is in progress.
Park Police Lt. Robert Lachance, who led a team of officers assigned to arrest the protesters, testified that an assistant solicitor general at the Department of Interior, which has jurisdiction over the Park Police, advised him that the act of chaining oneself to the White House fence violated a federal regulation against actions that pose a threat to public safety, obstruct traffic, and potentially prevent “emergency responders” from carrying out their work.
At the news conference, Feldman said he planned to argue at the trial that Choi’s action at the White House fence did not violate the regulation and statute cited by the Park Police and by prosecutor George.
“It’s uncontroverted that Lt. Choi is no threat to the public safety whatsoever,” said Feldman. “Neither does he obstruct traffic, which is the second part of the regulation.”
Feldman said he would also argue that the regulation used by authorities to arrest Choi applies only to the sidewalk next to the White House fence. He noted that Choi and the other protesters were standing on a masonry ledge that rises above the sidewalk and serves as an anchor for the White House fence.
“It’s very clear that my client was never on the sidewalk,” Feldman said. “He was on the masonry fence, which is above the sidewalk. And the warnings from Lt. Lachance said, ‘Get off the sidewalk.’ How can you get off the sidewalk if you were never on the sidewalk?”
He said he would also argue that Choi was unable to hear the warning that Lachance made to the protesters through a loudspeaker brought to the scene by Park Police. Lachance testified that he read a scripted message three times ordering the protesters to leave the fence and warning them they would be arrested if they did not comply with that order.
Feldman said Lachance’s warnings were drowned out by loud shouts and chants by Choi and the other 12 protesters handcuffed to the fence as well as by dozens of other protesters assembled in Lafayette Park.
The chants and shouts could be heard in a video recording of the protest that George played in the courtroom as part of a prosecution exhibit for the trial.
“There’s a cacophony of noise all around, and how can you possibly hear Lt. Lachance’s warnings to go away?” Feldman said at the news conference.
Gay activist and former military Capt. Jim Pietrangelo II testified on Tuesday as a defense witness, saying he observed first-hand what he believes were attempts by Park Police and government officials overseeing the police action an effort to single Choi out for a harsher charge based on Choi’s statutes as a gay former military officer and advocate for gays in the military.
District of Columbia
Two charged with assaulting, robbing gay man at D.C. CVS store
Incident occurred after suspects, victim ‘exchanged words’ at bar

D.C. police just after 1 a.m. on April 10 arrested two men for allegedly assaulting and robbing a gay man inside a CVS store at 1418 P St., N.W., according to a police report and charging documents filed in D.C. Superior Court.
The charging documents state that the alleged assault and robbery occurred a short time after the three men “exchanged words” at the gay bar Number 9, which is located across the street from the CVS.
The arrested men are identified in the charging documents as Marquel Jose Diaz, 27, of Northwest D.C., and Lorenzo Jesse Scafidi, 21, of Elizabeth City, N.C. An affidavit in support of the arrest for Diaz says Diaz and the victim “were previously in a relationship for a year.”
Court records show Diaz was charged with Simple Assault, Theft Second Degree, and Possession of a Controlled Substance. The court records show the controlled substance charge was filed by police after Diaz was found to be in possession of a powdered substance that tested positive for cocaine.
Scafidi was charged with Simple Assault and Theft Second Degree, the court records show.
The D.C. police report for the incident does not list it as a suspected hate crime.
The court records show both men pleaded not guilty to the charges against them at a Superior Court arraignment on the day of their arrest on April 10. The records show they were released by a judge while awaiting trial with an order that they “stay away” from the victim. They are scheduled to return to court for a status hearing on May 21.
The separate police-filed affidavits in support of the arrests of both Diaz and Scafidi each state that the two men and the victim “exchanged words” inside the Number 9 bar. The two documents state that both men then entered the CVS store after the victim went to the store a short time earlier.
Scafidi “came into the CVS shortly after and entered the candy aisle and slammed Complainant 1 [the victim] to the ground causing Complainant 1’s phone to fall out of CP-1’s pocket,” one of the two affidavits says. It says Scafidi “again picked up CP-1 and slammed him to the ground.”
The affidavit in support of Diaz’s arrest says Diaz also followed the victim to the CVS store after words were exchanged at the bar. It says that after Scafidi allegedly knocked the victim down in the candy aisle Diaz picked up the victim’s phone, “swung on” the victim “while he was still on the ground,” and picked up the victim’s watch before he and Scafidi fled the scene.
Without saying why, the two arrest affidavits say Diaz and Scafidi returned to the scene and were arrested by police after the victim and at least one witness identified them as having assaulted and robbed the victim.
Attorneys representing the two arrested men did not respond to phone messages from the Washington Blade seeking comment and asking whether their clients dispute the allegations against them.
The victim also did not respond to attempts by the Blade to obtain a comment from him. The police report says the victim is a resident of Fairfax, Va.
District of Columbia
Bowser calls for ‘extraordinary’ response to reduction in D.C. budget
Impact on city funding for LGBTQ programs and grants unclear

D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser on April 15 issued an executive order calling for “extraordinary actions,” including “significant cuts in District Government services,” to address a decision by Congress to cut the city’s current budget by $1.1 billion.
The nine-page executive order points out that these actions became necessary after the U.S. House of Representatives has so far declined to vote on a free-standing bill approved by the U.S. Senate last month that would restore the $1.1 billion D.C. budget cut initially approved by the House.
In addition to large-scale cuts in city services, the mayoral order says the congressionally imposed city budget cut will bring about city “hiring freezes, financial impacts to employees, reductions and terminations in contracts and grants, and closures of District Government facilities.”
The order adds, “These are unprecedented actions given that the District itself adopted and is able to implement a fully balanced budget, but they are necessary due to the Congressional cut to the District’s budget and its inaction in timely fixing its legislative error.”
The House adjourned this week on a recess until the end of April, and congressional observers say it is unclear whether the majority Republican House will take up the Senate bill to undo the D.C. budget cut when the House returns from its recess. President Donald Trump has called on the House to approve the bill to restore the full D.C. budget.
Among the D.C. LGBTQ organizations and those providing services to the LGBTQ community that receive D.C. government funding and that could be impacted by the budget cuts are Capital Pride Alliance, which is organizing WorldPride 2025 set to take place in D.C. next month; and Whitman-Walker Health, one of the city’s largest private healthcare organizations that provides medical services for LGBTQ clients.
Also receiving city funding are the Wanda Alston Foundation, which provides housing services for LGBTQ people; and the LGBTQ youth advocacy and services organization SMYAL.
Spokespersons for the four organizations couldn’t immediately be reached to determine if they knew whether the soon-to-be implemented budget cuts would have an impact on the city funding they currently receive.
In response to questions from news reporters during an April 15 press conference call to discuss the Bowser executive order, Jenny Reed, director of the D.C. Office of Budget and Performance Management, said details on specific programs or funding allocations set to be cut would not be known until the mayor submits to the D.C. Council her Supplemental FY 2025 budget along with her proposed FY 2026 budget.
Reed was joined at the press briefing by Lindsey Parker, Mayor Bowser’s chief of staff; and Tomas Talamante, director of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs.
They and other city officials have said the impact of the congressionally imposed city budget cut was expected to be lessened but remain highly problematic by Bowser’s decision to invoke a 2009 law that allows the city to increase its own spending without approval by Congress under certain circumstances.
The mayor has said under that law, the city would need to cut its FY 2025 budget by $410 million rather than by $1.1 billion. It couldn’t immediately be determined whether House Republicans, who initiated the requirement that the D.C. budget be cut by $1.1 billion, would challenge the mayor’s plan to invoke the 2009 law to reduce the size of the budget cut.
“Without the ability to fully execute the Fiscal Year 2025 budget as adopted and approved by the District, this gap will force reductions in critical services provided by our largest agencies, including the Metropolitan Police Department and the Fire and Emergency Medical Services Department,” the mayor’s executive order states.
“The District will continue to work with members of the House of Representatives to urge them to vote to fully restore the District’s Fiscal year 2025 budget and will continue to work with President Trump to strongly encourage the House of Representatives to take that action,” the order says.
District of Columbia
LGBTQ budget advocates fight for D.C. resources in a tough fiscal year
‘Trying to preserve life-saving services’ amid $1 billion cut

The months and days leading up to June are especially busy for LGBTQ Washingtonians. For one group, the DC LGBT Budget Coalition, which works year-round to ensure LGBTQ residents are represented and financially supported by the D.C. government, this time of year is their Super Bowl. Beginning in April, the D.C. Council and Mayor’s Office hold budget hearings for the next fiscal year.
With D.C.’s budget now under review, the Washington Blade spoke with Heidi Ellis, coordinator of the DC LGBT Budget Coalition, about the group’s top priorities and their push to ensure continued support for queer communities.
“The LGBTQ Budget Coalition was founded in 2020 at the height of the pandemic, as a way for the community to work together to advocate for key funding and policy changes,” Ellis said. “We recognized we were stronger together. A lot of groups are often pitted against each other for resources and dollars. This coalition was founded out of a need for unity. Since then, we’ve successfully advocated for more than $20 million in dedicated LGBTQ investments.”
In addition to coordinating the coalition, Ellis is the founder and CEO of HME Consulting & Advocacy, a firm that helps build coalitions and advance policy initiatives that address intersectional issues in the LGBTQ community. One of its most powerful tools, she explained, is direct outreach through community surveys.
“We actually do community surveys to see what people need and what’s top of mind,” Ellis said. “Of course, we also pay attention to the broader political landscape — like the current threats to HIV funding. That helps us prioritize.”
Because the coalition is comprised of more than 20 organizations across various sectors —healthcare, housing, community organizing — Ellis said its diversity enables it to connect grassroots needs to potential policy solutions.
“Our coalition includes service providers, community groups, health and housing advocates-folks who are deeply plugged into what’s happening on the ground,” she said. “They help determine our direction. We know we don’t represent every queer person in D.C., but our coalition reflects a wide range of identities and experiences.”
The insights gathered through those surveys ultimately inform the coalition’s annual budget proposal, which is submitted to the Council and mayor.
“That’s how we got to our FY26 priorities,” she said. “This year, more than ever, we’re fighting to protect what we’ve already secured — funding and policies we’ve had to fight for in the past. We know there’s concern around this budget.”
One of the challenges this year is that the D.C. government’s operating budget and some of its legislation must be approved by Congress. With a projected decline in tax revenue and a Republican-controlled Congress that has historically opposed LGBTQ funding, the Coalition has had to think strategically.
“Even before the situation on the Hill, the CFO projected lower revenue,” Ellis said. “That meant cuts to social programs were already coming. And now, with the $1 billion slashed from D.C.’s budget due to the continuing resolution, we’re not only fighting for D.C.’s budget and autonomy, but also trying to preserve life-saving services. Our message is simple: Don’t forget about queer people.”
This year’s proposal doesn’t include specific dollar figures. Instead, the Coalition outlines five funding priority areas: Healthcare, Employment & Economic Equity, Housing, Safety & Community Support, and Civil Rights.
Why no exact amounts? Ellis said it’s because not all solutions are financial.
“Some of our asks don’t require new funding. Others build on existing programs-we’re asking whether the current use of funds is the most effective. We’re also proposing policy changes that wouldn’t cost extra but could make a real difference. It’s about using what we have better,” she said.
When drafting the proposal, the Coalition tries to prioritize those with the most pressing and intersecting needs.
“Our perspective is: If we advocate for the most vulnerable, others benefit too,” Ellis said. “Take LGBTQ seniors. Some may have done well in life but now face housing insecurity or struggle to access affordable healthcare. Many in our coalition are elders who fought on the frontlines during the AIDS epidemic. They bring critical historical context and remind us that Black and brown communities bore the brunt of that crisis.”
“I love our coalition because it keeps us accountable to the moment,” she added. “If we center those most marginalized, we can make an impact that lifts everyone.”
In addition to healthcare and housing, safety remains a top concern. The Coalition has fought to maintain funding for the Violence Prevention and Response Team (VPART), a city-supported group that includes MPD, community-based organizations, and the Mayor’s Office of LGBTQ Affairs. VPART responds to crimes affecting the LGBTQ community and connects victims to legal, healthcare, and housing services.
“We’ve pushed to make VPART more proactive, not just reactive,” Ellis said. “The funding we’ve secured has helped survivors get the support they need. Cutting that funding now would undo progress we’re just beginning to see.”
At the end of the day, Ellis emphasized that this process is about far more than spreadsheets.
“A budget is a moral document,” she said. “If we’re not represented, you’re telling us our lives don’t matter at a time when we need protection the most. When people can’t get food, medicine, housing — that has a devastating impact. These are vital services.”
The DC LGBT Budget Coalition is urging residents to support a letter-writing campaign to D.C. Council members and the mayor. You can send a letter here: https://actionnetwork.org/letters/fully-fund-dcs-lgbtq-communities
Read the full FY26 budget proposal here: https://drive.google.com/file/d/1bTrENnc4ZazJTO6LPrQ3lZkF02QNIIf1/view
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