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Obama campaign courts LGBT support

Donors large and small respond to marriage support

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President Obama’s endorsement of marriage rights for same-sex couples has generated a wave of enthusiasm among LGBT people, and while many major donors maxed out their contributions to his campaign prior to the announcement, anecdotal evidence suggests an increase in smaller donations from LGBT supporters who might not be as politically engaged.

Andy Tobias, who’s gay and treasurer of the Democratic National Committee, said supporters had already made significant contributions to the campaign before Obama announced that he had completed his 19-month evolution on same-sex marriage. According to a report in The Advocate, Tobias has raised more than $500,000 as a bundler for the Obama campaign as of late last year.

“Recognizing how much is at stake, the community was already very generous,” Tobias said. “This just added to the enthusiasm.”

Kevin Jennings (official Education Department photo)

Kevin Jennings, who’s gay and formerly headed the Education Department’s Office of Safe and Drug-Free Schools, similarly said he saw only a few new donations after the president’s announcement, noting many Obama supporters had already given all they could. The Advocate report says Jennings raised between $50,000 and $100,000 for the campaign as of late last year.

“Because the president already had a strong record of accomplishment on LGBT issues, many of those who donated in 2008 … had already given (in many cases, the maximum amount) by the time of the president’s announcement,” Jennings said. “But I did see a number of new donors jump in — one who told me he gave online with tears running down his face — as well as folks who had not yet given the maximum, but had given something, add to what they had already given.”

Individuals can donate a maximum of $5,000 to a presidential campaign, which can be split between the primary and the general election. But donors can also contribute $30,800 a year to any given national committee and up to $10,000 a year to the “federal account” of state party committees.

Bruce Bastian, a gay Orem, Utah-based philanthropist known for giving to LGBT causes, said he couldn’t legally donate any more money to the Obama campaign after the president came out in support of same-sex marriage. Bastian was among the attendees at a $35,800-a-plate LGBT fundraiser for Obama that took place in D.C. in February and raised $1.4 million for the president.

“I have already contributed to Obama’s campaign as much as I can,” Bastian said. “I am very excited and pleased that the president came out in clear support of marriage equality for all Americans, but it didn’t change my mind in how I support him or to what extent I will support him.  I think it is extremely important for the LGBT community to do everything we can to get Obama re-elected.”

The Obama campaign didn’t respond to a request for comment on how Obama’s support for same-sex marriage affected LGBT donations, but two weeks after the announcement on Wednesday, the campaign unveiled a new initiative, titled “Obama Pride: LGBT Americans for Obama,” which aims to integrate LGBT supporters into the campaign as Pride month approaches.

Obama Pride: LGBT Americans for Obama is set to launch with trainings, phone banks and house parties in a number of states including Pennsylvania, Colorado, Nevada and Michigan — which are seen as battleground states in the general election. As part of the effort, the campaign launched the website lgbt.barackobama.com.

Additionally, the White House is set to host a reception celebrating Pride month on June 15. The Obama administration has held Pride celebrations in each of the previous three years of his term. Obama traditionally speaks to attendees at the event, and will likely capitalize on his announcement in support of marriage equality as he addresses LGBT attendees.

While many major donors may have maxed out their contributions to the Obama campaign, anecdotal evidence suggests that Obama’s announcement in favor of same-sex marriage prompted individuals who tend to make smaller donations to open their wallets.

Tommy Rossman, a gay 39-year-old D.C. resident and human resources management systems coordinator, said he donated $100 to the Obama campaign after the president made the announcement, and had donated $300 to the campaign before Obama came out in support of same-sex marriage.

“Basically, I was just excited that he finally did it, and I wanted to make sure that since he took a risk politically to do it, that I’m doing my part to help him out as well,” Rossman said. “There are so many people — especially with progressives and with gays in general — that have really screamed loudly for him to do it and, again, I just want them to jump on board.”

Dan Ingram, 22, a gay Madison, Wis., health care software specialist, said he donated $30 one week after the announcement because he thought the move was politically courageous in the wake of the passage of a constitutional same-sex marriage ban in North Carolina and the failure of civil unions legislation in Colorado.

“It seems like the politically smart thing to do would have been to stick with his ‘evolution’ thing that he was pitching for a while, which, I think, a lot of liberal people took as code that he’s going to come out for it, but he’s waiting to get re-elected,” Ingram said. “With how those votes went, that might have still been the politically safer bet to make, so, for me, it was a really principled move by him to say that.”

Ingram said he’d donated multiple times to the president’s 2008 campaign, but his donation this month marks the first time he gave to Obama’s re-election bid.

David Wells, a gay 47-year-old D.C. resident and a self-employed software consultant, said he donated $100 to the president about 10 minutes after he endorsed same-sex marriage.

“Over the course of his first term, I kind of felt like he wasn’t doing anything, and lately he’s been coming back around to the LGBT community,” Wells said. “When he finally came out for this, I was like, ‘OK, I’m back in.'”

Other LGBT supporters of Obama have launched larger efforts to encourage other LGBT donors to give to the campaign. Lane Hudson, a gay D.C. Democratic activist, set up a page on the Obama campaign’s website and made an initial contribution of $500. The page had raised $10,000 within 24 hours of the president’s announcement. As of Wednesday, the page had raised $13,088 for the campaign.

“For me, it was a game changer because people like me have spent the last three-and-a-half years — and also the year before during the campaign — to make the case that it was important for our political leaders to court full civil equality,” Hudson said. “That’s what happened when he made this announcement. It really completed an evolution to a position that we need to get all people in all public office to hold.”

CLARIFICATION: The article has been updated to state more clearly that the reason Bruce Bastian couldn’t donate any more to Obama’s campaign is because he’s already reached the legal limit.

 

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Puerto Rico

The ‘X’ returns to court

1st Circuit hears case over legal recognition of nonbinary Puerto Ricans

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(Photo by Sergei Gnatuk via Bigstock)

Eight months ago, I wrote about this issue at a time when it had not yet reached the judicial level it faces today. Back then, the conversation moved through administrative decisions, public debate, and political resistance. It was unresolved, but it had not yet reached this point.

That has now changed.

Lambda Legal appeared before the 1st U.S. Court of Appeals in Boston, urging the court to uphold a lower court ruling that requires the government of Puerto Rico to issue birth certificates that accurately reflect the identities of nonbinary individuals. The appeal follows a district court decision that found the denial of such recognition to be a violation of the U.S. Constitution.

This marks a turning point. The issue is no longer theoretical. A court has already determined that unequal treatment exists.

The argument presented by the plaintiffs is grounded in Puerto Rico’s own legal framework. Identity birth certificates are not static historical records. They are functional documents used in everyday life. They are required to access employment, education, and essential services. Their purpose is practical, not symbolic.

Within that framework, the exclusion of nonbinary individuals does not stem from a legal limitation. Puerto Rico already allows gender marker corrections on birth certificates for transgender individuals under the precedent established in Arroyo Gonzalez v. Rosselló Nevares. In addition, the current Civil Code recognizes the existence of identity documents that reflect a person’s lived identity beyond the original birth record.

The issue lies in how the law is applied.

Recognition is granted within specific categories, while those who do not identify within that binary structure remain excluded. That exclusion is now at the center of this case.

Lambda Legal’s position is straightforward. Requiring individuals to carry documents that do not reflect who they are forces them into misrepresentation in essential aspects of daily life. This creates practical barriers, exposes them to scrutiny, and places them in a constant state of vulnerability.

The plaintiffs, who were born in Puerto Rico, have made clear that access to accurate identification is not symbolic. It is a basic condition for moving through the world without contradiction imposed by the state.

The fact that this case is now being addressed in the federal court system adds another layer of significance. This is not a pending policy discussion or a legislative proposal. It is a constitutional question. The analysis is not about political preference, but about rights and equal protection under the law.

This case does not exist in isolation.

It unfolds within a broader context in which debates over identity and rights have increasingly been shaped by the growing influence of conservative perspectives in public policy, both in the United States and in Puerto Rico. At the local level, this influence has been reflected in legislative discussions where religious arguments have begun to intersect with decisions that should be grounded in constitutional principles. That intersection creates tension around the separation of church and state and has direct consequences for access to rights.

Recognizing this context is not an attack on faith or religious practice. It is an acknowledgment that when certain perspectives move into the realm of public authority, they can shape outcomes that affect specific communities.

From within Puerto Rico, this is not a distant debate. It is a lived reality. It is present in the difficulty of presenting identification that does not match one’s identity, and in the consequences that follow in workplaces, schools, and government spaces.

The progression of this case introduces the possibility of change within the applicable legal framework. Not because it resolves every tension surrounding the issue, but because it establishes a legal examination of a practice that has long operated under exclusion.

Eight months ago, the conversation centered on ongoing developments. Today, there is already a judicial finding that identifies a violation of rights. What remains is whether that finding will be upheld on appeal.

That process does not guarantee an immediate outcome, but it shifts the ground.

The debate is no longer theoretical.

It is now before the courts.

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National

LGBTQ community explores arming up during heated political times

Interest in gun ownership has increased since Donald Trump returned to office

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Gun rights organizations and advocates say interest in gun ownership seems to have increased in the LGBTQIA+ community since President Donald Trump returned to the White House last year. (Photo by Kaitlin Newman for the Baltimore Banner)

By JOHN-JOHN WILLIAMS IV | As the child of a father who hunted, Vera Snively shied away from firearms, influenced by her mother’s aversion to guns.

Now, the 18-year-old Westminster electrician goes to the shooting range at least once a month. She owns a rifle and a shotgun, and plans to get a handgun when she turns 21.

“I want to be able to defend my community, especially being in political spaces and queer spaces,” said Snively, a trans woman. “It’s just having that extra line of safety, having that extra peace of mind would be important to me.”

Snively is among what some say is a growing number of LGBTQ gun owners across the United States. Gun rights organizations and advocates say interest in gun ownership appears to have increased in that community since President Donald Trump returned to the White House last year.

The rest of this article can be read on the Baltimore Banner’s website.

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Tennessee

Tenn. lawmakers pass transgender “watch list” bill

State Senate to consider measure on Wednesday

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Tennessee, gay news, Washington Blade
Image of the transgender flag with the Tennessee flag in the shape of the state over it. (Image public domain)

The Tennessee House of Representatives passed a bill last week to create a transgender “watch list” that also pushes detransition medical treatment. The state Senate will consider it on Wednesday.

House Bill 754/State Bill 676 has been deemed “ugly” by LGBTQ advocates and criticized by healthcare information litigators as a major privacy concern.

The bill would require “gender clinics accepting funds from this state to perform gender transition procedures to also perform detransition procedures; requires insurance entities providing coverage of gender transition procedures to also cover detransition procedures; requires certain gender clinics and insurance entities to report information regarding detransition procedures to the department of health.”

It would require that any gender-affirming care-providing clinics share the date, age, and sex of patients; any drugs prescribed (dosage, frequency, duration, and method administered); the state and county; the name, contact information, and medical specialty of the healthcare professional who prescribed the treatment; and any past medical history related to “neurological, behavioral, or mental health conditions.” It would also mandate additional information if surgical intervention is prescribed, including details on which healthcare professional made a referral and when.

HB 0754 would also require the state to produce a “comprehensive annual statistical report,” with all collected data shared with the heads of the legislature and the legislative librarian, and eventually published online for public access.

The bill also reframes detransitioning as a major focus of gender-affirming healthcare — despite studies showing that the number of trans people who detransition is statistically quite low, around 13 percent, and is often the result of external pressures (such as discrimination or family) rather than an issue with their gender identity.

This legislation stands in sharp contrast to federal protections restricting what healthcare information can be shared. In 1996, Congress passed the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, or HIPAA, requiring protections for all “individually identifiable health information,” including medical records, conversations, billing information, and other patient data.

Margaret Riley, professor of law, public health sciences, and public policy at the University of Virginia, has written about similar efforts at the federal level, noting the Trump-Vance administration’s push to subpoena multiple hospitals’ records of gender-affirming care for trans patients despite no claims — or proof — that a crime was committed.

It has “sown fear and concern, both among people whose information is sought and among the doctors and other providers who offer such care. Some health providers have reportedly decided to no longer provide gender-affirming care to minors as a result of the inquiries, even in states where that care is legal.” She wrote in an article on the Conversation, where she goes further, pointing out that the push, mostly from conservative members of the government, are pushing extracting this private information “while giving no inkling of any alleged crimes that may have been committed.”

State Rep. Jeremy Faison (R-Cosby), the bill’s sponsor, said in a press conference two weeks ago that he has met dozens of individuals who sought to transition genders and ultimately detransitioned. In committee, an individual testified in support of the bill, claiming that while insurance paid for gender-affirming care, detransition care was not covered.

“I believe that we as a society are going to look back on this time that really burst out in 2014 and think, ‘Dear God, What were we thinking? This was as dumb as frontal lobotomies,’” Faison said of gender-affirming care. “I think we’re going to look back on society one day and think that.”

Jennifer Levi, GLAD Law’s senior director of Transgender and Queer Rights, shared with PBS last year that legislation like this changes the entire concept of HIPAA rights for trans Americans in ways that are invasive and unnecessary.

“It turns doctor-patient confidentiality into government surveillance,” Levi said, later emphasizing this will cause fewer people to seek out the care that they need. “It’s chilling.”

The Washington Blade reached out to the American Civil Liberties Union of Tennessee, which shared this statement from Executive Director Miriam Nemeth:

“HB 754/SB 676 continues the ugly legacy of Tennessee legislators’ attacks on the lives of transgender Tennesseans. Most Tennesseans, regardless of political views, oppose government databases tracking medical decisions made between patients and their doctors. The same should be true here. The state does not threaten to end the livelihood of doctors and fine them $150,000 for safeguarding the sensitive information of people with diabetes, depression, cancer, or other conditions. Trans people and intersex people deserve the same safety, privacy, and equal treatment under the law as everyone else.”

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