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Penal Code 377: The bane of Bangladesh’s LGBTQI population

Lawmakers must repeal colonial-era sodomy law

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Penal Code 377 criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual acts in Bangladesh. (Photo courtesy of Riaz Osmani)

Penal Code 377 criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual acts in Bangladesh. (Photo courtesy of Riaz Osmani)

According to surveys, 5 to 10 percent of the worldā€™s population belong to the LGBTQI category (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex.) The first two feel sexual and emotional attraction towards people of the same gender, not the opposite as is the social norm. Bangladesh is no exception to this and there are numerous such people who live clandestine lives, away from the limelight of family, friends and society. Many of them live double lives by entering sham marriages with the opposite gender to save face with family and society. Such marriages do irreparable damage to both parties involved since they are not based on love or intimacy.

After the murder of gay rights activist Xulhaz and gay cultural activist Tonoy by Islamic militants earlier this year, gays in Bangladesh are now in hiding, fearful of their lives. Those who are able to are leaving the country. This is a sorry state of affairs and needs to change soon. First thing to aid this change will be a bit of education. People never choose their sexuality. Homosexuals are born with their sexuality that they discover after puberty in the same way heterosexuals do. Nobody makes this choice. There is no choice here. Moreover, it is never possible for someone to change their sexuality. This means a gay person cannot be turned straight (heterosexual) by any means. Likewise, a heterosexual person cannot be turned gay (homosexual) by any means. Young boys and girls cannot be influenced by other homosexuals to become gay. Nobody becomes gay upon puberty. The sexuality is determined at a much earlier stage.

The American Psychological Association, along with other equivalents in the Western world and in India, have long ago determined that homosexuality is in no way a mental disorder or illness. It is a perfectly normal sexual orientation or expression for a small percentage of the worldā€™s population. Any attempt at changing this through therapy, religious teachings, physical and mental abuse have proven totally ineffective and have often led to depression and suicidal tendencies among those being tried to be converted. The Western world has finally come to terms with these realities and has removed all laws that make criminals out of homosexuals, discriminate against them and prevent them from marrying the person they love.

It is high time that Bangladesh repeal laws in the country that make criminals out of her LGBTQI population. Interestingly enough, the main item of Bangladeshā€™s penal code that is used to maintain this criminality was not necessarily intended for that purpose. This item is the Victorian-era Penal Code 377 that Bangladesh (along with India, Pakistan and other former British colonies) inherited as independent nations. This code states the following: ā€œWhoever voluntarily has carnal intercourse against the order of nature with any man, woman or animal, shall be punished with imprisonment for life, or with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to ten years, and shall also be liable to fine.ā€

Victorians had strange notions about sexual behavior and this code was instituted throughout their empire to prevent any sexual act by any two people (or a person and an animal) that did not result in human procreation. This meant that if a man and woman engaged in various sexual acts other than that which resulted in procreation, they would be deemed as criminals. This also meant that any sexual acts by homosexuals were criminal offenses. But the second one was an unintended consequence. The main purpose was to make sure all sexual activity was for the purpose of procreation.

There is no point in blaming the British for this ridiculous legal intrusion into peopleā€™s personal affairs today. We have been independent long enough to take care of our own affairs and the British have long removed their equivalent from their statute books. According to the Bangladesh Constitution, ā€œall citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law . . . The state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth . . .ā€ As has been done in the legal challenge to 377 in India, the clause above needs to include sexual orientation. I am asking for such a legal challenge to Bangladeshā€™s 377 since it violates the spirit of the countryā€™s constitution. Under no circumstances must gays in Bangladesh be automatically deemed criminals by virtue of 377.

In the current climate where Islamic militants are openly killing homosexuals and have advocated more such killings on the internet, it is not possible for a fearful person to seek police protection if under threat for being a homosexual. The said person is liable to face police arrest and/or harassment and possibly rape. Removal of this ghastly legal absurdity will at least allow room for gays in Bangladesh to seek protection.

This brings me on to my next point and that is the role of religion (Islam in particular) in public life. The gay rights movement in Bangladesh will hit a brick wall (if it hasnā€™t already) as long as the politicians, civil society members and most importantly the religious community invoke Islam as the main barrier to repealing Penal Code 377 and granting homosexuals equal status in the eyes of the law. While most Muslims and people of other faiths steadfastly maintain that their faith is absolutely against homosexuals and that the latter deserves to be persecuted, most will draw blanks if asked to quote actual references from scriptures that promote this point of view.

The quote often given is that of the story of Lut (Lot) in the Quran and Bible where God supposedly destroyed a town for sodomy (i.e. homosexual acts.) This is the only thing that is attributed to attitudes towards homosexuals. There is however a debate about the meaning of the story. Some researchers of Islam in the west have argued that this story did not have anything to do with consensual sexual acts between two adult homosexuals but was about male rape. I will not venture into this argument because from my point of view, it belongs in religious academia, not in a countryā€™s legal system, especially a system that has been defined by common law.

Moreover, since Bangladesh is a secular country (although in name only) where people of different faiths enjoy equal status (except for the anomaly of Islam still being the state religion,) there must be room for people of no faith or homosexuals who may or may not subscribe any faith. As long as Bangladesh is not an Islamic republic, religious beliefs cannot be used to criminalise, marginalise and persecute homosexuals. While social acceptance may come at a much later date, the countryā€™s politicians and lawyers must have the foresight and courage to change the laws ahead of such social acceptance. Sodomy laws in the West were repealed much earlier than their societies were willing to accept homosexuals as equals.

Bangladesh will not be the first Muslim majority country to remove laws that criminalize homosexuals. Other such countries are Turkey, Mali, Albania, Bahrain, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine (the West Bank only) and Indonesia (minus Aceh.) It is noteworthy that none of these countries were directly colonized by the British and hence did not inherit the Victorian penal code. But as I have already mentioned, our own countries are our own affairs and it is about time we correct this inhuman state regarding the status of the LGBTQI population. The civil society must also be on full guard not to allow Bangladesh to be turned into an Islamic republic.

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Commentary

LGBTQ people deserve freedom, a sense of home, and belonging

Latoya Nugent found refuge in Canada after fleeing Jamaica

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Latoya Nugent, center, at the March for LGBTQ+ Rights in Toronto on May 16, 2024. (Photo courtesy of Rainbow Railroad)

Seven years ago, my fight for queer liberation in notoriously homophobic Jamaica culminated in a violent and brutal unlawful arrest and detention. This was the peak of decades of persecution due to my sexual orientation and work as a queer human rights defender and activist. It completely broke me and silenced me. I suffered severe emotional trauma, from which I am still recovering years later. 

Following that life-threatening arrest, I became a shell of who I once was. I cut off communication with my community for several years, unable to face my fear of the police and the hostility of the world around me. 

In 2022, I was one of the 9,591 at-risk LGBTQI+ people who reached out to Rainbow Railroad for help. Through the organizationā€™s Emergency Travel Support (ETS) program, which relocates at-risk LGBTQI+ people and helps them make asylum claims in countries like the U.S., I resettled in Canada where Iā€™ve been living safely with dignity and pride. 

This Pride Month, Iā€™m reflecting on what it means to be safe. Who has access to safety and why others are excluded from it. What is our collective role and responsibility in expanding safety for our queer and trans communities, especially those in the over 60 countries that criminalize LGBTQI+ people? 

Safety means different things to different people depending on our experiences and journeys. For me, itā€™s the difference between suffering and thriving, feeling worthless and worthy, and feeling hopeless and hopeful. It is the difference between displacement and belonging. 

Rainbow Railroad recently released a report that examines the state of global LGBTQI+ persecution, drawing on data from 15,352 help requests spanning 100+ countries. This report is significant for several reasons, chief among them is the reality that no other organization or government captures the breadth and depth of data on LGBTQI+ forced displacement, perpetuating the invisibility of queer individuals in humanitarian responses. The report is an important contribution to the discourse on the intersection of queer identity, LGBTQI+ persecution, forced displacement, and humanitarian protection systems. 

Of all the data and insights uncovered in the report, I was most struck by one statistic ā€” 91 percent of at-risk LGBTQI+ individuals relocated through the ETS program reported an improved sense of personal safety. This statistic is particularly personal to me because ETS was the only relocation option accessible to me in 2022 when I reached out to Rainbow Railroad for help. 

I am in that 91 percent because I am now thriving. I feel worthy. I am hopeful about life. And I belong. 

Today, among the 120 million forcibly displaced people around the world, queer and trans individuals face compounded complications from homophobia and transphobia while trying to access protection and safety. And while the anti-gender movement continues to swell in some states, I firmly believe that the U.S. remains a global leader in refugee resettlement ā€” which is why the U.S. government must uphold its international obligations and reverse its recentĀ executive orderĀ that imposes severe restrictions on the right to seek asylum.Ā 

Queer and trans individuals deserve freedom, a sense of home, and belonging ā€” realities that flourish only when rooted in the bedrock of safety. 

There is a lot more work to be done. It’s challenging. It’s complex. It’s costly. But I have experienced firsthand what the transformative impact of Rainbow Railroadā€™s work has on someone’s life ā€” that ability to lift people out of danger into safety is something worth celebrating this Pride. 

Latoya Nugent is the head of engagement for Rainbow Railroad.

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Commentary

Reflecting on Center Faithā€™s Pride interfaith service

Much work to be done before welcoming the world in 2025

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(Photo by WINDCOLORS/Bigstock)

ā€œWe must not rest! We must not rest! We must not rest!ā€ These words rang out in Foundry Methodist Church during Center Faithā€™s recent 2024 Pride Interfaith Service. Rev. Cathy Alexander, associate pastor at the Metropolitan Community Church (MCC)-Washington, DC, implored everyone in attendance to keep fighting ā€œuntil the doors of churches and temples and houses of faith open wide in welcome to all people.ā€ She quoted Reverend Troy Perry, founder of the first MCC church in 1968, from the 2000 Millennium March for Equality. 

It was a moving reminder of the many LGBTQ elders who have passed on, who have fought for LGBTQ rights today and made this service, held in a rainbow draped church, possible. This was especially meaningful as this yearā€™s service also remembered Allan Armas ā€” co-founder of the Pride Interfaith Service ā€” who died this past October. 

Held on a drizzly evening, the service began with an opening drum call to gather by members of the Unity Fellowship Church of Washington, D.C., and a procession of all presenters. Church Elder and Unity Fellowship Pastor Akosua McCray offered a libation to the ancestors, like Armas, who won many of the rights that LGBTQ individuals have today. ā€œLet us together call out their names and invite their spirit here today,ā€ McCray shared. ā€œCarlton Smith,ā€ an attendee shouted from the back. ā€œAllan Armus,ā€ said another. ā€œMarsha P. Johnson.ā€ ā€œBishop Thomas Gumbleton.ā€ With each name, McCray filled a red vase with water in their honor. 

Thus commenced the 41st annual Pride Interfaith Service, focused on the radical past, present, and future of LGBTQ interfaith action in the nationā€™s capital. The three-part service resonated with Capital Prideā€™s theme of ā€œTotally Radical!ā€ and included representatives from the DC LGBTQ+ Community Center and Mayorā€™s Office of LGBTQ Affairs. McCrayā€™s Libation was the first part of the creation and blessing of a sacred space, featuring a call to the elements, directions and divine by Jonathan White of Stone Circle Wicca, a call to prayer by Nabeel Kirmani and translated by Sister Michelle Munson of Muslims for Progressive Values, and an opening prayer by Rev. Thomas Wieczorek from the National Catholic Church, among others. 

GenOut Chorus, the youth chorus for the Gay Menā€™s Chorus of Washington, D.C., provided music, opening with Philip Silveyā€™s ā€œAlways a Place for You.ā€ Their song began a reflection on the radical origins of the Pride Interfaith Service all the way back to the 1960s. Reverend Elder Robert ā€œMichaelā€ Vanzant, a Doctor of Theology at the Faith Temple and one of the pioneers of the Pride Interfaith Service, recounted his own journey from a fundamentalist rural Southern community all the way to the steps of the Temple Church of God in Christ on Sunday, Sept. 19, 1982. 

Together, he and 16 others ā€œembraced being same-gender loving and created a gathering of predominantly people of color, called a Third World gathering, to create a community for our sacred selves.ā€ They gathered with signs, his reading ā€œMy house shall be called a house of prayer for all peopleā€ (Isaiah 56:&, Mark 11:17), after a Church elder Dr. James Tenney was told by the Bishop that by including LGBTQ+ individuals at All Souls Church DC, he had excommunicated himself from the Church. The bishop warned that Tenneyā€™s problem was that he had no shame so the group gathered that Sunday morning before and after church ā€œbearing witchess that we lived our lives without shame.ā€ Thus Faith Temple was born. 

Rev. Cathy Alexander reflected on MCCā€™s own history, followed by Rev. Eric Eldrith, Pagan clergy with Circle Sanctuary, Kirmani, Jonathan White, myself, and Armasā€™s best friend cellist John Kaboff sharing fond memories and words of love and life about Armas. Eldritch spoke to Armasā€™s radical welcome of him as an ex-ex-gay fundamentalist to a Radical Faerie to Pagan clergy at Circle Sanctuary. This tribute spoke to the importance of all including faith communities beyond Abrahamic traditions. Pagan, Wiccan, and folk magic communities have for centuries been places of belonging and acceptance for LGBTQ+ people but are normally excluded from LGBTQ+ religious historical narratives. Armas challenged this exclusion. 

ā€œHis deeply held Jewish faith,ā€ White explained, ā€œled him to care passionately about justice and liberation for all people, especially LGBTQ+ people, and to pursue justice as part of his own spiritual journey. He was humane, kind, thoughtful–he was a mensch. May his memory be a blessing.ā€ He led his community surrounded by elders until he himself became one; one of the far too few LGBTQ+ elders who see the realization of their efforts. White celebrated this queer elderhood in Armasā€™s faith community, of bringing his experiences and wisdom to the community he helped to create. Kaboff played a Jewish funeral piece–one performed at an annual memorial service Armas founded, and Rabbi Jake Beilin-Singer blew the shofar, an instrument sounded during High Holy Day services, in recognition of his leadership. 

Armasā€™s radical welcome has made LGBTQ faith experiences possible, from radical living as interfaith families, to radical justice through collective liberation, to radical presents through living as authentic selves, and radical leadership through DCā€™s LGBTQ+ religious leaders including the first lesbian rabbi, Julie Spitzer, at the Baltimore Hebrew Congregation in 1987. Even radical pride from that first Pride Interfaith Service in 1983. 

During this time when over 500 anti-LGBTQ bills have been introduced in state legislatures across the country, lay member of Sunstone Chapel Ebony C. Peace called us to remember, ā€œhatred continues to come our way in full force because our liberation threatens their control. The liberation of all people threatens them. They are coming at us strong because we ourselves have become stronger.ā€ It is only through love, Peace shared, that we can drive out hatred. This was especially true when two protestors interrupted the service, and were met with all attendees singing ā€œThis Little Light of Mineā€ to drown out their voices as ushers escorted them outside. 

The service ended by envisioning this future of love, including radical inclusive love in faith communities and interfaith relationships that imagine a future of collaboration with newly established groups like Queerly Gathered, introduced by Presbyterian minister Matt Nabinger and Cali Bronkema. 

Richmond looked ahead toward World Pride to be held in D.C. in 2025. Just as attendees committed this yearā€™s service to ā€œdemonstrating the breath, depth, and sincerity of our faith, exposing the lie that anti-gay fundamentalists have a monopoly on faith and religion,ā€ Pride Interfaith Service planner Jonah Richmond shared, next yearā€™s service will include people from around the world remembering their LGBTQ religious histories, celebrating their presents, and pushing for LGBTQ+ religious liberation and community. It will celebrate LGBTQ elders of faith from around the world. As Alexander said, we must not rest! There is much work to be done before welcoming the world at the next service on June 3, 2025.Ā 

Emma Cieslik served as a historian for this yearā€™s Pride Interfaith Service.

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Commentary

To comply or not to comply is not the question

Implementation of pro-LGBTQI+ rulings in Botswana and Namibia is unsatisfactory

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(Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Over the past five years, the highest courts in Namibia and Botswana have made significant decisions in favor of minority groupsā€™ human rights through favorable judgments and court orders. However, the implementation of these orders related to the rights of LGBTQI+ in Botswana and Namibia has not been satisfactory so far. 

In 2016, the Botswana Court of Appeal ordered the Registrar of Societies to register the Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO) after they had been denied registration based on the criminalization of same-sex sexual conduct. In 2017, the High Court of Botswana pronounced that denying a transgender man legal gender recognition undermines their dignity and humanity and ordered the Ministry of Home Affairs to change his identity documents from female to male. In 2021, the Court of Appeal in Botswana decriminalized consensual same-sex sexual conduct. In May 2023, the Supreme Court of Namibia ordered the government to recognize same-sex unions concluded outside Namibia, where same-sex marriages are legal in terms of the Immigration Act. While all these cases constitute landmark cases in securing and guaranteeing the rights of LGBTIQ persons, there is a growing trend of non-implementation when it comes to such judgements.

Government officials have partially or selectively implemented or completely disregarded the court decisions. In the LEGABIBO registration case, the Botswana Court of Appeal found that it is unconstitutional to deny registration under the assumption that LGBTQI+ are not recognized in the Bill of Rights and will offend the morality of the nation. The court found that LGBTQI+, like any other citizen or group of people in Botswana, have the right to freedom of association, expression and assembly, and issued an order for LEGABIBO to be registered, an order that was fulfilled promptly. However, seven years later, in March 2024, an LBQ groupā€™s efforts to register are met with sentiments similar to those before the LEGABIBO jurisprudence. Senior public officials resisted the highest court decision to register this new group. Although their reasons are not stated as clearly as LEGABIBO rejection, government officials are still surreptitiously blocking the registration of LGBTQI+ organizations. 

Similarly, we have observed the selective application technique unfolding in legal gender recognition cases. In this case, the government officials have interpreted this as a single order that only applies to the applicants and not ā€œall persons.ā€ According to anecdotal evidence based on the experiences of individuals who sought legal gender recognition, they are instructed to acquire individualized court orders, a complete misinterpretation of the courtā€™s instructions, burdening the courts to issue duplicate orders. This selective interpretation is a covert move by government officials to undermine judicial decisions and transfer the responsibility and burden of implementation to resource-constrained individuals, limiting access to justice. What is also curious is why the court system does not address repeat applications on the same issue.Ā 

With the decriminalization court order, the attorney general acted in contempt of the judgment when he, instead of scrapping Sections 164 (a) and (c), blatantly ignored the court order and put a bill before parliament for debate. The highest court in Botswana had made a carefully considered decision to decriminalize, as indicated by a statement from SALC (Southern Africa Litigation Center) and by many contributors to this issue; there is no need to debate; the court has decided.

In Namibiaā€™s case, compliance with the court order means recognizing foreign partners in same-sex marriages with their Namibian partners as spouses, thereby issuing them an immigration status that allows them to reside and work in Namibia. Despite the commitment by the Ministry of Home Affairs to comply, government Officials still refuse to respect the Supreme Court ruling, as indicated by Mr. Digashuā€™s experience: 

ā€œIn one of my many visits to the immigration offices, the officer informed me that the court order was only meant for the couples directly engaged in the court case, unaware that I was one of those couples. I got the impression that the immigration officials have adopted a dishonest tactic to deter other same-sex couples, letting them believe that the judgement does not protect them.ā€

One of the most significant contributors to non-compliance is the media. The media reports on the Supreme Court decision on the Digashu/Seiller-lilies matter ran with the sensationalĀ headlineĀ ā€œSupreme Court gives legal status to same-sex marriages,ā€ misinforming the public and fueling negativity. Misinformation affects not only the litigants and community members but also feeds the already hostile public attitudes towards LGBTQI+ persons. Members of parliament and religious communities put pressure on government officials. Unfortunately, parliamentĀ responded with a marriage bill that contradicted the judgment, Instead of clarifying what the ruling means and whom it affects. Public officials reflect legislatorsā€™ sentiments, disregarding principles of democracy, the rule of law, and justice for all, which are clearly stated in the constitution, and further undermining the independence of the judiciary.Ā 

These are only a few of the many court orders that government officials have disregarded to the disadvantage and inconvenience of the minority who went to court to seek redress. For example, in the case of Mr. Daniel Digashu, he is given a visitorā€™s visa every time he leaves the country, which means he is forced to exit the country at its expiration date or face the wrath of the law. The cost of frequent travel and the personal emotional toll on himself and his family is insurmountable. Let alone constant dealings with questions, often followed by ridicule from immigration officials.

The question, therefore, is, what must happen to government officials who disregard court orders? 

The chief justice in Kenya offers a solution to this conundrum. Recently, the chief justice observed that senior government officials are guilty of defying court orders and suggested remedies such as impeachment of individual officers responsible. Botswana and Namibia must take a leaf out of that book.   

Of great concern is also that government officials are not transparent about the limitations of the court orders to enable the litigants and beneficiaries to seek clarification from the courts, nor are they open to engaging with civil society and affected communities to improve compliance. Are the court orders vague and, therefore, challenging to implement? Being transparent about implementation constraints will go a long way in guiding civil society on how they can support the government. Even in their resource-constrained status, CSOs must continue to monitor compliance and return to the courts for enforcement, including publicizing non-compliance in the media for public engagement. 

In conclusion, the rule of law requires that all court decisions be implemented promptly, thoroughly and effectively. The government has no choice whether to execute or not execute the court orders. 

The authors are consultants at the Southern Africa Litigation Center (SALC). SALC promotes and advances human rights and the rule of law in Southern Africa, primarily through strategic litigation and capacity-strengthening support to lawyers and grassroots organizations.

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