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USAID seeks to bolster LGBTQ rights efforts in Colombia

LGBTQ-inclusive peace agreement took effect in 2016

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U.S. Agency for International Development Colombia Mission Director Larry Sacks. (Photo courtesy of USAID)

BOGOTƁ, Colombia — The director of the U.S. Agency for International Development’s Colombia mission says he and his colleagues remain committed to the implementation of the country’s LGBTQ-inclusive peace agreement.

“The entire portfolio that we have and all of our work here in Colombia is really to support a durable and an inclusive piece,” Larry Sacks told the Washington Blade on Sept. 21 during an interview in BogotĆ”, the Colombian capital. “The core principles of what we do are based on equality, inclusion, rights and justice.”

The agreement then-President Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia Commander Rodrigo “Timochenko” LondoƱo signed in Cartagena on Sept. 26, 2016, specifically acknowledged LGBTQ Colombians as victims of the decades-long conflict that killed more than 200,000 people. The accord also called for their participation in the country’s political process.

Wilson CastaƱeda, director of Caribe Afirmativo, an LGBTQ group in northern Colombia with which USAID works, is one of three activists who participated in the peace talks that took place in Havana.

Caribe Afirmativo Director Wilson CastaƱeda speaks to a group of Venezuelan LGBTQ migrants in Barranquilla, Colombia, on Sept. 14, 2021. Caribe Afirmativo is one of the Colombian LGBTQ groups that receives support from the U.S. Agency for International Development. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Colombian voters on Oct. 2, 2016,Ā narrowly rejected the agreement in a referendum that took place against the backdrop of anti-LGBTQ rhetoric from religious and conservative groups. Santos and LondoƱo less than two months later signed a second peace agreement — which also contains LGBTQ-specific references — in BogotĆ”.

“That was a very progressive move,” said Sacks in describing the inclusion of LGBTQ Colombians in the agreement.

President IvĆ”n Duque, who campaigned against the agreement ahead of his 2018 election, spoke to the U.N. General Assembly hours before the Blade interviewed Sacks. Duque described it as “fragile.”

“Peace accords worldwide tend to be made or broken within the first five years of implementation, and Colombia is right at that point,” Sacks told the Blade when asked about Duque’s comments. “There are certain people deep in the territories and others and high governments who are really helping and making sure that it’s successful, and that there’s continuity, and that the gains that have been made are irreversible. And there’s others who may question, but at the end of the day, I think that from our analysis, it’s on pace with what we’ve seen of the implementation of other peace accords worldwide.”

“At least from USAID’s perspective, we’re doing everything that we can to help support the implementation on multiple chapters of the peace accord,” he added.

USAID specifically supports the implementation of rural development programs through the agreement, efforts to reintegrate former child soldiers into Colombian society and expand the government’s presence into “violence-affected areas.” USAID also works with the Truth Commission, the Unit for the Search of Disappeared Persons, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, the government’s Victims’ Unit and NGOs that support the conflict’s victims.

USAID’s fiscal year 2021 budget for Colombia is $212.9 million. Upwards of $50 million of this money is earmarked for human rights work that specifically focuses on indigenous Colombians and Colombians of African descent, security, access to the country’s justice system and victims of the conflict.

More than 200 LGBTQ Colombians reported murdered in 2020

Sacks said USAID’s LGBTQ-specific work in Colombia focuses on four specific areas.

“The first is really to kind of shine a light on, raise the visibility, raise the profile on issues of discrimination and violence and stigma and all the issues that this population is facing,” he said.

Colombia Diversa, a Colombian LGBTQ rights group, on Sept. 15 issued a report that notes 226 LGBTQ people were reported murdered in the country in 2020. This figure is more than twice the number of LGBTQ Colombians — 107 — who Colombia Diversa said were known to have been killed in 2019.

Sacks acknowledged anti-LGBTQ violence is increasing in Colombia.

He said the mission works with Ombudsman’s Office of Colombia, an independent agency within the Colombian government that oversees human rights protections in the country, to provide additional support to LGBTQ rights groups. Sacks noted USAID also works with the Interior Ministry to “support the development of their LGBTQI-plus policies” and the country’s attorney general “to hold those accountable.”

Sacks told the Blade that USAID also works to provide “technical and legal support to help” LGBTQ Colombians and other vulnerable groups “access public goods, services and justice.”

USAID-supported groups assist Venezuelan migrants

The Colombian government earlier this year said there were more than 1.7 million Venezuelan migrants in the country, although activists and HIV/AIDS service providers with whom the Blade has spoken say this figure is likely much higher. Duque in February announced it would legally recognize Venezuelan migrants who are registered with the country’s government. 

The Coordination Platform for Migrants and Refugees from Venezuela notes upwards of 5.4 million Venezuelans have left the country as of November 2020 as its economic and political crisis grows worse. The majority of them have sought refuge in Colombia, Brazil, Ecuador, Peru and Chile.

Venezuelan migrants are among the upwards of 570,000 people who have benefitted from a USAID program that provides direct cash assistance — between $49-$95 per family — for six months in order to purchase food and other basic needs. USAID also supports Americares, a Connecticut-based NGO that operates several clinics along the Colombia-Venezuelan border and in northern Colombia that specifically serve Venezuelan migrants with the support of the Colombian Health Ministry.

The U.S. Agency for International Development and other groups support a hand washing campaign on the Simón Bolívar International Airport that spans the TÔchira River, which marks the Colombia-Venezuela border. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

The U.S. Agency for International Development and other groups have placed hand washing stations on the Simón Bolívar International Airport that spans the TÔchira River, which marks the Colombia-Venezuela border. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Sacks noted USAID has an “agreement with” Aid for AIDS International, a New York-based group that serves Venezuelans with HIV/AIDS. Aid for AIDS International has used this support to conduct a survey of 300 sex workers in Maicao, MedellĆ­n and Cali.

USAID is also working with the Health Ministry to provide health care to Venezuelan migrants with HIV/AIDS, among others, who are now legally recognized in Colombia.

Caribe Afirmativo has opened three “Casas Afirmativos” in Maicao, Barranquilla and MedellĆ­n that provide access to health care and other services to Venezuelan migrants who are LGBTQ and/or living with HIV/AIDS. MedellĆ­n officials have also invited Caribe Afirmativo staffers to speak with LGBTQ migrants in the city’s public schools.

“Colombia has shown a generosity that you don’t see in many other countries with regard to migrant populations,” Sacks told the Blade. “They really open their borders, their homes, their hearts, to migrants, including the LGBTI community.”

Biden global LGBTQ rights memo is ‘tremendous benefit’

The White House earlier this year released a memorandum that committed the U.S. to promoting LGBTQ rights abroad. State Department spokesperson Ned Price in May told the Blade the protection of LGBTQ migrants and asylum seekers is one of the Biden administration’s priorities on this front.

Sacks said the memo “gives us the political framework with which to operate and obviously sends a message from the highest levels of the U.S. government about LGBTQI-plus rights and equality and inclusion.”

“So for us, it’s a tremendous benefit,” he told the Blade.

USAID Administrator Samantha Power — a vocal champion of LGBTQ rights — has yet to visit Colombia, but Sacks said she has spoken with Vice President Marta LucĆ­a RamĆ­rez.

“We hope to get her down,” said Sacks.

Editor’s note: Michael K. Lavers was on assignment in Colombia from Sept. 11-22.

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Ecuador

Justicia reconoce delito de odio en caso de bullying en Instituto Nacional MejĆ­a de Ecuador

Johana B se suicidó el 11 de abril de 2023

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(Imagen de cortesĆ­a)

Edición Cientonce es el socio mediÔtico del Washington Blade en Ecuador. Esta nota salió en su sitio web el 9 de febrero.

A casi tres aƱos del suicidio de Johana B., quien estudió en el Instituto Nacional MejĆ­a, colegio emblemĆ”tico de Quito, el Tribunal de la Corte Nacional de Justicia ratificó la condena para el alumno responsable del acoso escolar que la llevó a quitarse la vida.

SegĆŗn información de la FiscalĆ­a, el fallo de Ćŗltima instancia deja en firme la condena de cuatro aƱos de internamiento en un centro para adolescentes infractores, en una audiencia de casación pedida por la defensa del agresor, tres meses antes de que prescriba el caso. 

Con la sentencia, este caso es uno de los primeros en el paĆ­s en reconocer actos de odio por violencia de gĆ©nero, delito tipificado en el artĆ­culo 177 del Código OrgĆ”nico Penal Integral (COIP).

El suicidio de Johana B. ocurrió el 11 abril de 2023 y fue consecuencia del acoso escolar por estereotipos de gĆ©nero que enfrentó la estudiante por parte de su agresor, quien constantemente la insultaba y agredĆ­a por su forma de vestir, llevar el cabello corto o practicar actividades que hace aƱos se consideraban exclusivamente para hombres, como ser mando de la Banda de Paz en el Instituto Nacional MejĆ­a.

Desde la muerte de Johana, su familia buscaba justicia. Su padre, JosĆ©, en una entrevista concedida a edición cientonce para la investigación periodĆ­stica Los suicidios que quedan en el clóset a causa de la omisión estatal afirmó que su hija era acosada por su compaƱero y otres estudiantes con apodos como ā€œmarimachaā€, lo que tambiĆ©n fue corroborado en  los testimonios recogidos por la Unidad de Justicia Juvenil No. 4 de la FiscalĆ­a. 

Los resultados de la autopsia psicológica y del examen antropológico realizados tras la muerte de Johana confirmaron las versiones de sus compaƱeras y docentes: que su agresor la acosó de manera sistemĆ”tica durante dos aƱos. Los empujones, jalones de cabello o burlas, incluso por su situación económica, eran constantes en el aula de clase. 

La violencia que recibió Johana escaló cuando su compaƱero le dio un codazo en la espalda ocasionĆ”ndole una lesión que le imposibilitó caminar y asistir a clases.

DĆ­as despuĆ©s del hecho, la adolescente se quitó la vida en su casa, tras escuchar que la madre del agresor se negó a pagar la mitad del valor de una tomografĆ­a para determinar la lesión en su espalda, tal como lo habĆ­a acordado previamente con sus padres y frente al personal del DECE (Departamento de ConsejerĆ­a Estudiantil del colegio), segĆŗn versiones de su familia y la FiscalĆ­a.

ā€œEra una chica linda, fuerte, alegre. Siempre nos llevamos muy bien, hemos compartido todo. Nos dejó muchos recuerdos y todos nos sentimos tristes; siempre estamos pensando en ella. Es un vacĆ­o tan grande aquĆ­, en este lugarā€, expresó JosĆ© a Edición Cientonce el aƱo pasado. 

Para la fiscal del caso y de la Unidad de Justicia Juvenil de la FiscalĆ­a, Martha Reino, el suicidio de la adolescente fue un agravante que se contempló durante la audiencia de juzgamiento de marzo de 2024, segĆŗn explicó a este medio el aƱo pasado. Desde entonces, la familia del agresor presentó un recurso de casación en la Corte Nacional de Justicia, que provocó la dilatación del proceso. 

En el fallo de Ćŗltima instancia, el Tribunal tambiĆ©n dispuso que el agresor pague $3.000 a la familia de Johana B. como reparación integral. AdemĆ”s, el adolescente deberĆ” recibir medidas socioeducativas, de acuerdo al artĆ­culo 385 del Código OrgĆ”nico de la NiƱez y Adolescencia, seƱala la FiscalĆ­a.

El caso de Johana tambiĆ©n destapó las omisiones y negligencias del personal del DECE y docentes del Instituto Nacional MejĆ­a. En la etapa de instrucción fiscal se comprobó que no se aplicaron los protocolos respectivos para proteger a la vĆ­ctima.

De hecho, la Fiscalía conoció el caso a raíz de la denuncia que presentó su padre, José, y no por el DECE, aseguró la fiscal el año pasado a Edición Cientonce.

Pese a estas omisiones presentadas en el proceso, el fallo de última instancia sólo ratificó la condena para el estudiante.

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Africa

LGBTQ groups question US health agreements with African countries

Community could face further exclusion, government-sanctioned discrimination

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The White House commemorates World AIDS Day in 2023. Health agreements the U.S. has signed with Uganda, Kenya, and other countries have sparked concern among queer rights groups. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Some queer rights organizations have expressed concern that health agreements between the U.S. and more than a dozen African countries will open the door to further exclusion and government-sanctioned discrimination.

The Trump-Vance administration since December has signed five-year agreements with Kenya, Uganda, and other nations that are worth a total of $1.6 billion. 

Kenyan and Ugandan advocacy groups note the U.S. funding shift from NGO-led to a government-to-government model poses serious risks to LGBTQ people and other vulnerable populations in accessing healthcare due to existing discrimination based on sexual orientation.

Uganda Minority Shelters Consortium, Let’s Walk Uganda, the Kenya Human Rights Commission, and the Center for Minority Rights and Strategic Litigation note the agreements’ silence on vulnerable populations in accessing health care threatens their safety, privacy, and confidentiality.

ā€œMany LGBTQ persons previously accessed HIV prevention and treatment, sexual and reproductive health services, mental health support, and psychosocial care through specialized clinics supported by NGOs and partners such as USAID (the U.S. Agency for International Development) or PEPFAR,ā€ Let’s Walk Uganda Executive Director Edward Mutebi told Washington Blade.

He noted such specialized clinics, including the Let’s Walk Medical Center, are trusted facilities for providing stigma-free services by health workers who are sensitized to queer issues.    

ā€œUnder this new model that sidelines NGOs and Drop-in Centers (DICs), there is a high-risk of these populations being forced into public health facilities where stigma, discrimination, and fear of exposure are prevalent to discourage our community members from seeking care altogether, leading to late testing and treatment,ā€ Mutebi said. ā€œFor LGBTQ persons already living under criminalization and heightened surveillance, the loss of community-based service delivery is not just an access issue; it is a full-blown safety issue.ā€

Uganda Minority Shelters Consortium Coordinator John Grace said it is ā€œdeeply troublingā€ for the Trump-Vance administration to sideline NGOs, which he maintains have been ā€œcritical lifelinesā€ for marginalized communities through their specialized clinics funded by donors like the Global Fund and USAID. 

USAID officially shut down on July 1, 2025, after the White House dismantled it.

Grace notes the government-to-government funding framework will impact clinics that specifically serve the LGBTQ community, noting their patients will have to turn to public systems that remain inaccessible or hostile to them.

ā€œUMSC is concerned that the Ugandan government, under this new arrangement, may lack both the political will and institutional safeguards to equitably serve these populations,ā€ Grace said. ā€œWithout civil society participation, there is a real danger of invisibility and neglect.ā€ 

Grace also said the absence of accountability mechanisms or civil society oversight in the U.S. agreement, which Uganda signed on Dec. 10, would increase state-led discrimination in allocating health resources.

Center for Minority Rights and Strategic Litigation Legal Manager Michael Kioko notes the U.S. agreement with Kenya, signed on Dec. 4, will help sustain the country’s health sector, but it has a non-binding provision that allows Washington to withdraw or withhold the funding at any time without legal consequences. He said it could affect key health institutions’ long-term planning for specialized facilities for targeted populations whose independent operations are at stake from NGOS the new agreement sidelines.

ā€œThe agreement does not provide any assurance that so-called non-core services, such as PrEP, PEP, condoms, lubricants, targeted HIV testing, and STI prevention will be funded, especially given the Trump administration’s known opposition to funding these services for key populations,ā€ Kioko said.

He adds the agreement’s exclusionary structure could further impact NGO-run clinics for key populations that have already closed or scaled down due to loss of the U.S. funding last year, thus reversing hard-won gains in HIV prevention and treatment.  

ā€œThe socio-political implications are also dire,ā€ Kioko said. ā€œThe agreement could be weaponized to incite discrimination and other LGBTQ-related health issues by anti-LGBTQ voices in the parliament who had called for the re-authorization of the U.S. funding (PEPFAR) funding in 2024, as a political mileage in the campaign trail.ā€

Even as the agreement fails to safeguard specialized facilities for key populations, the Kenya Human Rights Commission states continued access to healthcare services in public facilities will depend on the government’s commitment to maintain confidentiality, stigma-sensitive care, and targeted outreach mechanisms.

ā€œThe agreement requires compliance with applicable U.S. laws and foreign assistance policies, including restrictions such as the Helms Amendment on abortion funding,ā€ the Kenya Human Rights Commission said in response to the Blade. ā€œMore broadly, funded activities must align with U.S. executive policy directives in force at the time. In the current U.S. context, where executive actions have narrowed gender recognition and reduced certain transgender protections, there is a foreseeable risk that funding priorities may shift.ā€

Just seven days after Kenya and the U.S. signed the agreement, the country’s High Court on Dec. 11 suspended its implementation after two petitioners challenged its legality on grounds that it was negotiated in secrecy, lacks proper parliamentary approval, and violates Kenyans’ data privacy when their medical information is shared with America. 

The agreement the U.S. and Uganda signed has not been challenged.

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European Union

European Parliament resolution backs ā€˜full recognition of trans women as women’

Non-binding document outlines UN Commission on the Status of Women priorities

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(Photo by nito/Bigstock)

The European Parliament on Feb. 11 adopted a transgender-inclusive resolution ahead of next month’s U.N. Commission on the Status of Women meeting.

The resolution, which details the European Union’s priorities ahead of the meeting, specifically calls for ā€œthe full recognition of trans women as women.ā€

ā€œTheir inclusion is essential for the effectiveness of any gender-equality and anti-violence policies; call for recognition of and equal access for trans women to protection and support services,ā€ reads the resolution that Erin in the Morning details.

The resolution, which is non-binding, passed by a 340-141 vote margin. Sixty-eight MPs abstained.

The commission will meet in New York from March 10-21.

A sweeping executive order that President Donald Trump signed shortly after he took office for a second time on Jan. 20, 2025, said the federal government’s ā€œofficial policyā€ is ā€œthere are only two genders, male and female.ā€ The Trump-Vance administration has withdrawn the U.S. from the U.N. LGBTI Core Group, a group of U.N. member states that have pledged to support LGBTQ and intersex rights, and dozens of other U.N. entities.

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