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WorldPride 2025 in Taiwan cancelled

Committee claims InterPride refused to allow use of island’s name

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Taipei Pride in October 2014 (Photo by Andy Lain 多元的台灣 2014彩虹大遊行)

Editor’s note: International News Editor Michael K. Lavers is a contributor to InterPride’s monthly podcast, Interpod.

Taiwanese organizers of WorldPride Taiwan 2025 will not hold the event after they said InterPride, a global LGBTQ rights group, refused to let the Taiwanese organizers use the island nation’s name in the event title.

WorldPride Taiwan 2025 was initially slated to be hosted by the southern city of Kaohsiung after the Taiwan Preparation Committee, consisting of representatives from Kaohsiung Pride and Taiwan Pride, had their bid accepted by InterPride.

 A-Ku, co-chair of the local WorldPride Taiwan 2025 organizing committee, told media outlets that InterPride had recently “suddenly” asked them to change the name of the event to “Kaohsiung,” removing the word “Taiwan.”

“After careful evaluation, it is believed that if the event continues, it may harm the interests of Taiwan and the Taiwan gay community. Therefore, it is decided to terminate the project before signing the contract,” said the co-chair in a statement.

Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs helped organize a tripartite meeting with InterPride and Kaohsiung Pride on Nov. 16, 2021, during which the three parties agreed upon the name Taiwan, A-Ku told Focus Taiwan/CNA News English.

Despite this, InterPride subsequently announced in a letter dated July 26 that, based on a vote by the directors and supervisors, the event must be named either “WorldPride Kaohsiung” or “Kaohsiung WorldPride,” A-Ku said.

He also noted that InterPride’s assertion that it had suggested using the name “WorldPride Kaohsiung, Taiwan” was “completely inconsistent with the facts.”

A-Ku added that the name “WorldPride Taiwan 2025” had been used throughout the entire bidding process from the beginning of 2021, including on application forms, plans, and other relevant documents.

Taiwan’s Foreign Ministry released a statement noting that the event would have been the first WorldPride event to be held in East Asia.

“Taiwan deeply regrets that InterPride, due to political considerations, has unilaterally rejected the mutually agreed upon consensus and broken a relationship of cooperation and trust, leading to this outcome,” the statement said adding;

“Not only does the decision disrespect Taiwan’s rights and diligent efforts, it also harms Asia’s vast LGBTIQ+ community and runs counter to the progressive principles espoused by InterPride.”

Taiwan legalized same-sex marriage in 2019.

“On May 17th, 2019, in Taiwan, Love Won,” tweeted President Tsai Ing-wen at the time. “We took a big step towards true equality, and made Taiwan a better country.”

The island nation’s recognition of same-sex marriage is a first for Asia, and Taiwan is proud of its reputation as a central bastion of LGBTQ rights and liberalism in Asia.

Hadi Damien and Linda DeMarco, the co-presidents of the InterPride board of directors, disputed the committee’s claims during an interview with the Washington Blade on Monday.

Damien said an Oct 26, 2021, email thread with the committee confirms “the bidding committee is going to use the title ‘WorldPride Taiwan 2025 candidate'” only during the bidding process. Damien said this decision was made “not because InterPride wants to cozy up to any government, not because InterPride does not respect, honor and acknowledge the right to self-determination of people in general.”

“It’s simply because the tradition of naming WorldPride is based on the city itself,” said Damien, noting WorldPride Copenhagen 2021 did not include Denmark in its name.

Damien also told the Blade there were concerns about the committee’s commitment to abide by previous agreements it made with InterPride and “precise financial statements.”

The committee announced its decision to cancel WorldPride shortly after U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.)’s visit to Taiwan that prompted sharp criticism from the Chinese government, which considers the island a part of China.

DeMarco told the Blade that geopolitics did not factor into the negotiations between InterPride and the committee.

“In all our conversations, it was never even brought up, the geopolitical allegations,” said DeMarco. “We were just all concentrating on making sure that we had a human rights conference there, that they had the finances to put on such an event. When we were negotiating with their team, it was all about our community and the WorldPride message that we would get in that area for equality and rights.”

“Its unfortunate they brought it to this level,” added DeMarco. “We were very clear that we weren’t bringing it to that level.” 

WorldPride 2025 Taiwan’s full statement:

Statement on Project Termination of Hosting WorldPride Taiwan 2025

The WorldPride 2025 Taiwan Preparation Committee would like to express our sincere gratitude for all the generous support we have received since winning the bid to host WorldPride 2025 in Taiwan. After months of preparation and collaboration with various government departments and corporate enterprises, it is a great pity to announce that the project of WorldPride Taiwan 2025 has been terminated.

When discussing and negotiating the event contract’s terms and conditions, the WorldPride 2025 Taiwan Preparation Committee (consisting of Taiwan Pride and Kaohsiung Pride) was unable to reach a consensus with InterPride, the event licensor. There were major discrepancies between our stances on the event’s naming, understandings of Taiwan’s culture, and expectations of what a WorldPride event should look like.

In the back-and-forth discussions, InterPride repetitively raised their concerns and doubts about whether Taiwan has the capacity, economic and otherwise, to host an international event like WorldPride. This is despite our team consisting of highly competent Pride organizers who have successfully organized some of the largest Pride events in Asia. Although we have presented past data and relevant statistics to prove our track record, we were still unable to convince InterPride. However hard we have tried to cooperate, our efforts did not result in an equal and trusting working partnership with the event licensor.

The final straw that led the negotiation to a deadlock was the abrupt notice from InterPride, requiring the name of the event to change from “WorldPride Taiwan 2025” to “WorldPride Kaohsiung 2025.” This is despite the fact that the name “WorldPride Taiwan 2025” was used throughout the entire bidding process: From the bid application and the bid proposal evaluation to the voting process and the winner announcement back in 2021.

We had made it clear to InterPride that there are some significant reasons why we insist on using the name “WorldPride Taiwan 2025.” First, the name “Taiwan Pride” is of symbolic significance to the Taiwanese LGBTIQ+ community as it has been used for Taiwan’s first and still ongoing Pride parade since the first edition in 2003. It was not named after the city but the nation as a whole. Second, WorldPride Taiwan 2025 was planned to connect several Pride events and activities across Taiwan, with many cities, in addition to Kaohsiung, participating.

After the winner announcement, upon reading InterPride’s congratulatory letter which mistakenly named Taiwan as a region instead of a country, Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) helped organize a tripartite meeting with InterPride and KH Pride on November 16, 2021. In the meeting, the three parties (MOFA, InterPride, KH Pride) agreed on using “WorldPride Taiwan 2025” as the name for all the sequential events and activities. However, during the recent contract negotiation, InterPride suddenly made it a requirement that WorldPride 2025 can only be named after the host city rather than the country (“WorldPride Kaohsiung 2025” instead of “WorldPride Taiwan 2025.”) This unexpected requirement essentially reneges on the previously made agreement.

In the face of many uncertainties such as InterPride’s inconsistent attitude toward the event naming and doubts about our team and the Taiwan market, we have to make the painful decision to terminate the project of hosting WorldPride 2025 in order to strive for the best interest of the LGBTIQ+ community in Taiwan. The WorldPride 2025 Preparation Committee will also resign to take responsibility for failing to host the event.

We would like to express our most profound appreciation to everyone who has supported us. We are especially grateful for the continuous assistance and resources provided by Taiwan’s Presidential Office and Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

We promise that the termination of hosting WorldPride Taiwan 2025 will not undermine our motivation to serve the LGBTIQ+ community. We will continue to promote Taiwan’s LGBTIQ+ culture worldwide.

The WorldPride 2025 Taiwan Preparation Committee

2022/08/12

InterPride Board of Director’s full statement:

Today, InterPride was surprised to learn about the decision of KH Pride to walk away from negotiations to host WorldPride 2025.

We were confident a compromise could have been reached with respect to the long-standing WorldPride tradition of using the host city name. We suggested using the name “WorldPride Kaohsiung, Taiwan.”

We were also working with KH Pride to ensure they would deliver the event they promised to our members, who voted for their bid.

While we are disappointed, InterPride respects and acknowledges KH Pride’s decision.

InterPride Board of Directors

Michael K. Lavers contributed to this story.

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Myanmar

LGBTQ advocacy group joins Myanmar earthquake relief effort

March 28 quake killed thousands, devastated country’s second-largest city

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(Screen capture via CNBC-TV18 YouTube)

A powerful earthquake that rocked Myanmar on March 28 unleashed devastation across the central part of the country.

The U.S. Geological Survey measured the quake at 7.7, and pinpointing its epicenter roughly 10 miles west of Mandalay, the country’s second-largest city. A 6.4-magnitude aftershock jolted the area 12 minutes later, compounding the destruction and deepening the crisis for a nation already strained by conflict.

The earthquake struck with terrifying intensity near its epicenter, wreaking havoc on Mandalay and the nearby city of Sagaing. 

Mandalay, a bustling city of approximately 1.5 million residents, bore the brunt of the destruction. Among the most striking losses was the 12-story Sky Villa Condominium, which collapsed, leaving scores trapped beneath the wreckage. Rescue workers scrambled to pull survivors from the rubble, but the rising death toll underscored the tragedy’s magnitude.

In Sagaing, which is located closer to the epicenter, more than 70 percent of buildings sustained damage. The Ava Bridge, an essential artery spanning the Irrawaddy River, collapsed, cutting off a critical connection to Mandalay. The earthquake’s shallow depth of less than seven miles amplified its power, reducing homes, temples, and schools to rubble.

The earthquake’s death toll continues to climb, with at least 3,649 confirmed dead, more than 5,000 injured, and approximately 145 people missing. Amid the widespread devastation, questions loom about the impact on vulnerable populations. The Washington Blade reached out to Colors Rainbow, an organization advocating for LGBTQ rights in Myanmar, to understand how the crisis has affected one of the nation’s most marginalized communities.

Colors Rainbow Executive Director Hla Myat Tun spoke about how his organization is working to address the crisis faced by Myanmar’s LGBTQ community in the aftermath of the earthquake. 

Colors Rainbow has implemented a system of multipurpose cash transfers, directing funds to local LGBTQ partner organizations. These grassroots partners, in turn, provide essential support to affected individuals that includes emergency cash assistance, food, non-food items, clean water, and basic emotional support tailored to the immediate needs of their communities.

“We estimate that around 500–800 LGBTQ individuals have been impacted in the affected areas, particularly in Mandalay Region, Sagaing Region, and southern Shan state,” said Hla Myat Tun. “So far, we have been able to directly assist around 80–100 LGBTQ individuals.”

Hla Myat Tun told the Blade that Colors Rainbow is actively gathering data to assess the specific challenges that LGBTQ people are facing in the aftermath of the earthquake.

Preliminary observations, he noted, point to heightened vulnerability among LGBTQ people, driven by social exclusion and limited access to mainstream humanitarian aid. Hla Myat Tun, however, emphasized more comprehensive information is necessary to fully understand the scope of their needs and vulnerabilities in this crisis.

“We are partnering with international LGBTQ and feminist organizations that focus on displaced communities,” said Hla Myat Tun. “These partners provide emergency funds, and we coordinate with local LGBTQ groups to deliver aid directly to affected individuals on the ground.”

Addressing reports of military restrictions on humanitarian aid, Hla Myat Tun explained how Colors Rainbow is managing to reach LGBTQ people who are in conflict zones and areas the military junta controls. Hla Myat Tun highlighted the importance of the organization’s trusted local LGBTQ partners, who are embedded in these regions. Their presence and established networks, he said, are vital in navigating restricted areas and ensuring that aid reaches the LGBTQ people who are most in need.

Hla Myat Tun also provided insight into how Colors Rainbow is tailoring its relief efforts to meet the LGBTQ community’s specific needs. 

He said his organization is gathering information directly from LGBTQ people through close coordination with its local partners, relying on both formal and informal communication channels. Hla Myat Tun told the Blade his team conducts daily check-ins via quick telephone calls, ensuring a continuous flow of information to guide their response efforts despite limited internet access, electricity and other challenges.

“Our approach is collaborative — we set strategies and share responsibilities to respond flexibly and safely, based on the rapidly changing local context,” he said. “Personal stories are being documented, but for security reasons, we are cautious about sharing them publicly.”

When asked whether staff or volunteers had harassment, discrimination, or violence while delivering aid — a concern given the precarious legal and social climate for LGBTQ people in Myanmar — Hla Myat Tun said there have been no reported incidents thus far. 

“So far, we haven’t received any reports from our staff or local partners about harassment or violence while delivering aid,” he noted, emphasizing Colors Rainbow remains vigilant and has implemented robust safety protocols to protect all involved.

Colors Rainbow relies primarily on funding from international LGBTQ-focused partners. He noted, however, humanitarian funding specifically dedicated to LGBTQ communities remains vastly under-resourced, relative to the pressing needs on the ground. Hla Myat Tun said this shortfall severely limits the scale and reach of Colors Rainbow’s efforts.

“While Myanmar’s legal framework remains outdated, societal attitudes — especially during the civilian government — have shown signs of progress,” said Hla Myat Tun. “We have seen positive change thanks to the work of local LGBTQ organizations.” 

“In the current crisis, many communities are working together despite legal barriers. However, in areas without LGBTQ-led organizations, inclusive humanitarian responses are still lacking,” he added. “There’s an urgent need for international humanitarian actors to understand and implement LGBTQ-inclusive practices in Myanmar.”

When asked about long-term strategies to support the recovery and resilience of LGBTQ communities as Myanmar rebuilds, Hla Myat Tun affirmed Colors Rainbow is deeply committed to fostering resilience. The organization’s initiatives include leadership development, community empowerment through training and workshops, sub-granting programs, and organizational development support. He also highlighted Colors Rainbow’s advocacy for LGBTQ-inclusive policies and collaboration with ethnic groups to promote an inclusive federal democracy, and specifically thanked Outright International, a global LGBTQ and intersex rights group, for “amplifying our work.

“This kind of international attention shines a spotlight on the challenges LGBTQ communities in Myanmar are facing and helps open doors for more support,” Hla Myat Tun told the Blade. “It also boosts visibility and solidarity, both locally and globally, which we deeply appreciate.”

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India

LGBTQ poets included in India’s premier literary festival

Sahitya Akademi seen as mirror of government’s cultural agenda

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LGBTQ poets participated in India's Sahitya Akademi for the first time this month. (Photo courtesy of Kalki Subramaniam)

India’s premier literary institution on March 7 announced it would allow LGBTQ poets to participate in its marquee Festival of Letters in New Delhi.

The Sahitya Akademi, often seen as a mirror of the government’s cultural agenda, for the first time allowed these poets into a high-profile poetry reading at the Rabindra Bhavan. They shared the stage with more than 700 writers across 50 languages.

Culture and Tourism Minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat kicked off the Festival of Letters with Mahesh Dattani, the acclaimed English-language playwright famed for his provocative works, as the main guest. Dubbed Asia’s grandest literary gathering, the Sahitya Akademi took place over six days under the “Indian Literary Traditions” theme.

The 2025 Festival of Letters showcased a sweeping range of voices — young writers, women writers, Dalit authors from marginalized castes, Northeast Indian scribes, tribal poets, and LGBTQ poets — cementing its reputation as a literary kaleidoscope. 

Kalki Subramaniam, a leading transgender rights activist and author, on March 9 chaired a literary session titled “Discussion on Literary Works of LGBTQ Writers in the 21st Century,” which spotlighted contemporary queer voices.

“It was enriching to listen to the profound thoughts of LGBT writers from various parts of the country in their speeches,” said Subramaniam. “The session was particularly memorable with the participation of A. Revathi Amma from Tamil Nadu, Reshma Prasad from Bihar, Sanjana Simon from New Delhi, and Devika Devendra Manglamukhi and Shivin from Uttar Pradesh and Aksaya K Rath from Orissa.”

Subramaniam discussed how global politics shape gender rights and the persistent erasure of trans identity, urging a unified push for solidarity within the LGBTQ community. She stressed the vital need to elevate queer works and writers, casting their voices as essential to the literary vanguard.

“It was a pleasure to meet great writers from around the country in the festival as well as meet my writer activist friends Sajana Simon and Revathi Amma after a long time,” said Subramaniam. 

Kalki Subramaniam participates in the Sahitya Akademi (Photo courtesy of Kalki Subramaniam)

The government on March 12, 1954, formally established the Sahitya Akademi. A government resolution outlined its mission as a national entity tasked with advancing Indian literature and upholding rigorous literary standards; a mandate it has pursued for seven decades.

The Sahitya Akademi in 2018 broke ground in Kolkata, hosting the country’s first exclusive gathering of trans writers, a landmark nod to queer voices in Indian literature. 

Hoshang Dinshaw Merchant, India’s pioneering openly gay poet and a leading voice in the nation’s gay liberation movement, on March 9 recited a poem at the Festival of Letters, his verses carrying the weight of his decades-long quest for queer recognition. He later thanked the session’s chair for welcoming the community, a gesture that underscored the event’s third day embrace of diverse voices.

The Sahitya Akademi in 2024 honored K. Vaishali with the Yuva Puraskar for her memoir “Homeless: Growing Up Lesbian and Dyslexic in India,” a raw account of navigating queerness and neurodivergence. Vaishali in a post-win interview reflected on India’s deep-seated conservatism around sexuality, noting she wrote from a place of relative safety — an upper-caste privilege that shielded her as she bared her truth. The award, she said, was the Akademi’s indelible seal on her lived experience, a validation no one could challenge.

The Sahitya Akademi’s inclusion of LGBTQ writers in its main program this year jars with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government’s conservative stance, which, in 2023, opposed same-sex marriage in the Supreme Court, arguing it erodes Indian family values. Yet, under Shekhawat, the Sahitya Akademi’s spotlight on queer voices at the Rabindra Bhavan suggests it could be a tentative crack in a regime typically rooted in tradition.

The Festival of Letters hosted a translators’ meeting on March 10, spotlighting P. Vimala’s 2024 award-winning Tamil translation of Nalini Jameela’s “Autobiography of a Sex Worker,” a work steeped in marginalized voices that include queer perspectives.

This platform gained significant support from the BJP-led government, with Shekhawat securing a 15 percent budget increase to ₹47 crore ($5.63 million) in 2024. In Tamil Nadu state, however, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam’s Chief Minister Muthuvel Karunanidhi Stalin, has long opposed such cross-linguistic efforts, fearing dilution of Tamil identity amid decades of anti-Hindi sentiment — a tension the Sahitya Akademi’s inclusive showcase sought to bypass.

‘The Akademi is very inclusive and has a friendly festival ambience,” Subramaniam told the Washington Blade.

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Japan

Japan’s marriage equality movement gains steam

Nagoya High Court this month ruled lack of legal recognition is unconstitutional

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Since 2019, the advocacy group Marriage For All Japan has sued the Japanese government in all five district courts. (Photo courtesy of Marriage For All Japan)

Japan’s Nagoya High Court on March 7 ruled the lack of legal recognition of same-sex marriages violates the country’s constitution. 

The plaintiffs argued Japan’s Civil Code and Family Registration Act, which does not recognize same-sex marriages, violates the country’s constitution. They cited Article 14, Paragraph 1, which guarantees equality under the law and prohibits discrimination based on factors that include race, creed, sex, or social status. The plaintiff also invoked Article 24, Paragraph 2, which emphasizes that laws governing marriage and family matters must uphold individual dignity and the fundamental equality of the sexes.

The plaintiffs sought damages of 1 million yen ($6,721.80) under Article 1, Paragraph 1, of the State Redress Act, which provides for compensation when a public official, through intentional or negligent acts in the course of their duties, causes harm to another individual. The claim centered on the government’s failure to enact necessary legislation, which prevented the plaintiff from marrying.

The court noted same-sex relationships have existed naturally long before the establishment of legal marriage. It emphasized that recognizing such relationships as legitimate is a fundamental legal interest connected to personal dignity, transcending the confines of traditional legal frameworks governing marriage and family.

The court further observed same-sex couples encounter significant disadvantages in various aspects of social life that cannot be addressed through civil partnership systems. These include housing challenges, such as restrictions on renting properties, and financial institutions refusing to recognize same-sex couples as family members for mortgages. Same-sex couples also face hurdles in accessing products and services tailored to family relationships. While the court deemed the relevant provisions unconstitutional, it clarified that the government’s failure to enact legislative changes does not constitute a violation under the State Redress Act.

The lawsuit, titled “Freedom of Marriage for All,” brought together a large coalition of professionals, including more than 30 plaintiffs and 80 lawyers. They filed six lawsuits in five courts throughout Japan.

“We filed these lawsuits on Valentine’s Day, Feb. 14, 2019, in Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, and Sapporo, and in September of that year in Fukuoka,” noted Takeharu Kato, director of Marriage for All Japan. “Then, in March 2021, the Sapporo District Court handed down the first ruling declaring the current laws unconstitutional, which received extensive worldwide media coverage. Subsequently, the Osaka District Court unfortunately ruled that the current law is constitutional, but among the 10 rulings handed down so far, nine have ruled that not recognizing marriage equality is unconstitutional.”

Kato is a lawyer who is part of the legal team in the Sapporo case. He is also a board member of Marriage for All Japan, a marriage equality campaign.

“The MFAJ (Marriage for All Japan) is fully supporting the lawsuits by publicizing the current status of the trials and the rulings in our websites and social networks, setting up press conferences at the time of the rulings,” Kato told the Washington Blade. “We also make the best of the impact of the lawsuits in our campaign by holding events with the plaintiffs of the lawsuits and inviting them to the rally at Diet (the Japanese parliament) members’ building.”

Kato said the campaign has significantly shifted public opinion, with recent polls indicating more than 70 percent of Japanese people now support marriage equality — up from approximately 40 percent before Marriage for All Japan launched. He also noted 49 percent of Diet members now back marriage equality.

Japan is the only G7 country that does not legally recognize same-sex couples. Taiwan, Nepal, and Thailand have extended full marriage rights to gays and lesbians.

Expressing disappointment, Kato said many Japanese politicians continue to resist marriage equality, despite overwhelming public support. Kato added Marriage for All Japan expects the Supreme Court to rule on their lawsuits in 2016.

“We believe that the Supreme Court will also rule that the current laws are unconstitutional,” he said. “However, the Supreme Court’s ruling alone is not enough to achieve marriage equality under the Japanese legal system. We should put more and more strong pressure on the Diet to legalize marriage equality in Japan as soon as possible.”

Several municipalities and prefectures issue certificates that provide limited benefits to same-sex couples, but they fall short of equal legal recognition.

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s government has faced mounting pressure on the issue as public support for marriage equality has surged in recent years. Kishida has yet to push reforms within his own party; encountering fierce opposition from its traditional leadership.

His government in June 2023 passed Japan’s first law addressing sexual orientation and gender identity, aiming to “promote understanding” and prevent “unfair discrimination.” Activists, however, widely criticized the legislation on grounds it fails to provide comprehensive protections or extend marriage rights to same-sex couples.

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