Africa
Anti-LGBTQ crackdown worsens in Tanzania
Muharami Hassan Nayonga this year received 30-year prison sentence for anal sex
Less than two months after Muharami Hassan Nayonga received a 30-year prison sentence for engaging in anal sex, the Tanzanian government is seemingly intensifying its crackdown on the country’s LGBTQ and intersex community.
Nayonga’s case is not the first of its kind in the East African country. Several LGBTQ and intersex people often find themselves in a similar situation, but their cases do not make headlines because of opposition to LGBTQ and intersex rights in the country.
Police in 2018 raided a party and arrested 10 men on suspicion they were gay.
“LGBTQI+ individuals cannot freely assemble, associate or express themselves publicly out of fear of identification, arrest, and discrimination or violence by police or family members,” reads the U.S. State Department’s 2022 human rights report.
LGBT Voice Tanzania, an LGBTQ and intersex rights organization in the country, says LGBTQ and intersex people who are currently behind bars face very harsh treatment from law enforcement officials.
“Unfortunately, life for LGBTQIA people in Tanzania has only become more difficult because of the backwards leaders. These politicians have created a nightmare for all of us, simply for expressing our identity. They have stripped us of our Constitutionally protected freedoms,” said LGBT Voice Tanzania. “The pain and agony of the LGBTQIA people suffering in police custody in Tanzania is not just their own but is felt by the entire LGBTQIA community.”
The advocacy group further noted Tanzania is among the unfriendliest countries for those who identify as LGBTQ or intersex, with harsh penal laws and entrenched community and institutional bias and discrimination.
Millions of LGBTQ and intersex people in Tanzania also lack access to quality health care that includes HIV prevention, treatment and support, because of prejudice based on gender identity and sexual orientation. There is also an unprecedented increase in street drug use, and sex work to buy them, among LGBTQ and intersex youth who have been kicked out of their homes.
The crackdown in Tanzania is also being fueled by what is happening in Uganda, Kenya and neighboring countries. (Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in May signed his country’s Anti-Homosexuality Act that contains a death penalty provision for “aggravated homosexuality.” Kenyan lawmakers have proposed a similar measure.)
Some Tanzanian legislators are also pushing for a new anti-homosexuality law that would impose harsher penalties for those who enter into same-sex relationships. These lawmakers and religious leaders have argued such a statute would help ensure the promotion of so-called African values among young people and will ensure the country’s cultural heritage is protected.
Festo Sanga, an MP who represents Makete, said half of the country’s lawmakers would identify as LGBTQ or intersex in five decades if the bill does not become law quickly.
“We need to act now for the future of the country. In 50 years to come, we may find ourselves with leaders of the same nature, in fact, it won’t just stop there in the Parliament, but we may find them in mosques and churches as imams and priests,” said Sanga. “Let’s act now, we shouldn’t wait, this isn’t African culture, it is neither our morals nor our values, our holy books, the Quran and the Bible, both reject it. We need to protect our children, because if we fail now, then we are going to have gay leaders.”
The prospective anti-homosexuality bill, which is set to include the death penalty has not yet been formally debated in Parliament.
Consensual same-sex sexual relations are already criminalized in Tanzania under Section 154 of Chapter 16 of the country’s Criminal Code that addresses “unnatural offenses.” Those who are convicted of violating the law face between 30 years and life in prison.
State Department
Report: US to withhold HIV aid to Zambia unless mineral access expanded
New York Times obtained Secretary of State Marco Rubio memo
The State Department is reportedly considering withholding assistance for Zambians with HIV unless the country’s government allows the U.S. to access more of its minerals.
The New York Times on Monday reported Secretary of State Marco Rubio in a memo to State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs staffers wrote the U.S. “will only secure our priorities by demonstrating willingness to publicly take support away from Zambia on a massive scale.” The newspaper said it obtained a copy of the letter.
Zambia is a country in southern Africa that borders Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Namibia, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The Times notes upwards of 1.3 million Zambians receive daily HIV medications through PEPFAR. The newspaper reported Rubio in his memo said the Trump-Vance administration could “significantly cut assistance” as soon as May.
“Reports of (the) State Department withholding lifesaving HIV treatment in return for mining concessions in Zambia does not make us safer, stronger, or more prosperous,” said U.S. Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), the ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, on Tuesday. “Monetizing innocent people’s lives further undermines U.S. global leadership and is just plain wrong.”
The Washington Blade has reached out to the State Department for comment.
Zambia received breakthrough HIV prevention drug through PEPFAR
Rubio on Jan. 28, 2025, issued a waiver that allowed PEPFAR and other “life-saving humanitarian assistance” programs to continue to operate during a freeze on nearly all U.S. foreign aid spending. HIV/AIDS service providers around the world with whom the Blade has spoken say PEPFAR cuts and the loss of funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development, which officially closed on July 1, 2025, has severely impacted their work.
The State Department last September announced PEPFAR will distribute lenacapavir in countries with high prevalence rates. Zambia two months later received the first doses of the breakthrough HIV prevention drug.
Kenya and Uganda are among the African countries have signed health agreements with the U.S. since the Trump-Vance administration took office.
The Times notes the countries that signed these agreements pledged to increase health spending. The Blade last month reported LGBTQ rights groups have questioned whether these agreements will lead to further exclusion and government-sanctioned discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.
Botswana
The rule of law, not the rule of religion
Bonolo Selelo and Tsholofelo Kumile are challenging the Botswana Marriage Act
Botswana was in a whole frenzy as religious and traditional fundamentalists kept mixing religion and constitutional law as if it were harmless. It is not. One is a private matter of belief between you and God, while the other is the framework that protects and governs us all. When these two systems get fused, the result is rarely justice. It results in discrimination.
The ongoing case brought by Bonolo Selelo and Tsholofelo Kumile challenging provisions of the Botswana Marriage Act has reignited a familiar debate in Botswana. Some commentators insist that marriage equality violates religious values and therefore should not be recognized by law. It is a predictable argument. It is also fundamentally incompatible with constitutional governance.
Botswana is not a Christian state. It is a constitutional democracy governed by the Constitution of Botswana. That distinction matters. In a constitutional democracy, laws are interpreted in accordance with constitutional principles such as equality, dignity, protection, inclusion and the rule of law, rather than the doctrinal beliefs of any particular religion.
Religion has no place in constitutional law and democracy
The central problem with religious arguments in constitutional disputes is simple in that they divide, they other, they contest equality and they are personal. Constitutional law by contrast, must apply equally to everyone.
Botswana’s Constitution guarantees fundamental rights and freedoms under Sections 3 and 15, including protection from discrimination and the right to equal protection of the law. These provisions are not conditional on religious approval. They exist precisely to protect minorities from the preferences or prejudices of the majority.
Legal experts, such as Anneke Meerkotter, in her policy brief in Defense of Constitutional Morality, point out that constitutional rights function as a safeguard against majoritarian morality. If rights depended on whether the majority approved of a minority’s identity or relationships, they would not be rights at all. They would merely be privileges.
This principle has already been affirmed in Botswana’s jurisprudence. In the landmark decision of Letsweletse Motshidiemang v Attorney General, the High Court held that criminalizing consensual same-sex relations violated constitutional protections of liberty, dignity, privacy, and equality. This judgment noted that constitutional interpretation must evolve with society and must be guided by human dignity and equality. The court emphasized that the Constitution protects all citizens, including those whose identities, expressions or relationships may be unpopular. That ruling was later upheld by the Court of Appeal of Botswana in 2021, reinforcing the principle that constitutional rights cannot be restricted on grounds of moral disapproval alone. These decisions were not theological pronouncements. They were legal determinations grounded in constitutional principles.
The danger of religious majoritarianism
When religion is used to justify legal restrictions, the result is what constitutional scholars call “majoritarian moralism.” It allows the dominant religious interpretation in society to dictate the rights of everyone else. That approach is fundamentally incompatible with constitutional democracy. Botswana is religiously diverse. While Christianity is the majority faith, there are also Muslims, Hindus, traditional spiritual communities, Sikh and people who practice no religion at all. If the law were to follow the doctrines of one religious group, which interpretation would it adopt? Christianity alone contains dozens of denominations with different views on love, equality, marriage, sexuality, and gender. The moment the state begins to legislate on the basis of religious doctrine, it implicitly privileges one belief system over others. That undermines both religious freedom and constitutional equality. Ironically, keeping religion separate from constitutional law is what protects religious freedom in the first place.
Judicial independence is the cornerstone of Botswana’s governance system
The current case involving Bonolo Selelo and Tsholofelo Kumile is before the judiciary, where it belongs. Courts exist to interpret the Constitution and determine whether legislation complies with constitutional rights. Political and religious lobbying, as well as public outrage, must not influence that process.
Judicial independence is the cornerstone of Botswana’s governance system. According to the International Commission of Jurists, judicial independence ensures that courts can make decisions based on law and evidence rather than political or social pressure.
When governments, political, religious, or traditional actors attempt to interfere in constitutional litigation, they weaken the rule of law. Botswana has historically prided itself on having one of the most stable constitutional systems in Africa. The judiciary has played a critical role in safeguarding rights and maintaining legal certainty. The decriminalization case demonstrated this. Despite strong public debate and political sensitivity, the courts assessed the law according to constitutional principles rather than moral panic. The same standard must apply in the current marriage equality case.
This article was first published in the Botswana Gazette, Midweek Sun, and Botswana Guardian newspapers and has been edited for the Washington Blade.
Bradley Fortuin is a consultant at the Southern Africa Litigation Center and a social justice activist.
Cameroon
Gay Cameroonian immigrant will be freed from ICE detention — for now
Ludovic Mbock’s homeland criminalizes homosexuality
By ANTONIO PLANAS | An immigration judge on Friday issued a $4,000 bond for a Cameroonian immigrant and regional gaming champion held in federal immigration detention for the past three weeks.
The ruling will allow Ludovic Mbock, of Oxon Hill, to return to Maryland from a Georgia facility this weekend, his family and attorney said.
“Realistically, by tomorrow. Hopefully, by today,” said Mbock’s attorney, Edward Neufville. “We are one step closer to getting Ludovic justice.”
The rest of this article can be found on the Baltimore Banner’s website.
-
The White House5 days agoTrump proclamation targets trans rights as State Dept. shifts visa policy
-
Cameroon5 days agoGay Cameroonian immigrant will be freed from ICE detention — for now
-
Music & Concerts5 days agoGaga, Cardi B, and more to grace D.C. stages this spring
-
Opinions5 days agoRemembering Jesse Jackson
