World
Out in the World: LGBTQ news from Europe and Asia
Qatari authorities give suspended sentence to British Mexican man arrested in Grindr sting
QATAR

A British Mexican man who was arrested in a Grindr sting operation has been given a six-month suspended sentence and will be deported ā although the state has 30 days to launch an appeal, during which he is not allowed to leave ā the BBC reports.
Manuel Guerrero AviƱa, 44, was arrested on what his family are calling trumped up drug charges in Doha in February, after being lured to a fake meeting on the gay cruising app Grindr. This week, he was handed his sentence, which includes a fine of approximately $2,700.
Guerrero, who has lived in Qatar for seven years and works for an airline, has told the BBC he is considering an appeal.
His family has previously told the BBC that he was approached online by a man named āGio,ā who also used the screen name āMikeā on both Grindr and Tinder. Guerrero invited āGioā to his apartment, but when he went to the lobby to let him in, police were waiting and arrested him.
Police searched his apartment and allegedly found amphetamine and methamphetamine. They later administered a drug test which they say show evidence he had used the substances.
Guerrero says the drugs were planted as part of a sting operation targeting queer people. Under threat of torture and without a translator or lawyer, he was coerced into signing a document written in Arabic, a language he doesnāt read, admitting his possession of the drugs.
He spent 42 days in pretrial detention before being given provisional release, during which time police attempted to coerce him into naming other queer people.
Complicating his situation is the fact that he lives with HIV. While in detention, guards frequently withheld his medication, which could have enabled the virus to build up a resistance to it. He ran out of his prescription, which is not available in Qatar, in April, and has had to use a local substitute.
Several human rights groups have criticized the lack of due process in Guerreroās case, the evidence that he was targeted for his sexual identity, and the implication that a wider crackdown on queer people is in the works.
āThis has been about his LGBT status from the start and his desire to express that status and his identity, and thatās what this case is about,ā James Lynch, co-director of the human rights organization Fair Square, told the BBC. āHeās an LGBT person and he was targeted through a dating app. You donāt do that, unless thatās the thing you are focused on.ā
Qatari officials deny that Guerrero was targeted for any reason other than the possession of illegal substances.
Following Guerrero’s arrest, Grindr began displaying a warning to users in Qatar that āpolice are known to be making arrests on the app.ā
Same-sex intercourse between men is illegal in Qatar, with potential sentences of up to three years. The law also allows a death sentence to be imposed for unmarried Muslims who have sex regardless of gender, though there are no records it has ever been carried out.
UKRAINE

The Kyiv City Council denied a organizers of Kyiv Pride a permit to hold the annual human rights demonstration on the cityās metro system, citing security concerns and the need to maintain service on the subway network, the Kyiv Post reports.
Kyiv Pride organizers say they still plan to go ahead with their march in the metro on June 16 even without a city permit.
Kyiv has not held a Pride festival since the latest Russian invasion began in February 2022. The organizers of Kyiv Pride say they were inspired to hold their march on the metro system by a similar event held in the war-torn eastern city Kharkiv in 2022, where the metro was the safest place to gather during Russian bombardment.
Itās partly because the metro is used as a bomb shelter during Russian attacks that the city denied a permit for the event. The city released a statement on June 3 calling on organizers to find another venue.
āIn order not to endanger the participants and passengers, and to avoid possible provocations, the city authorities cannot allow the Equality March to take place in the metro,ā it said.
Organizers expect up to 500 people to take part in the Pride march this year. Theyāre asking participants to register in advance in order to limit the number of participants who show up at metro.
In a lengthy post on Kyiv Prideās Facebook page, the organizers underscore the importance of holding a highly visible Pride festival, even during the upheaval of wartime.
āIt is our obligation before Ukrainian queer soldiers who are also supporting the March to ensure that they return from the frontlines to a more just legal environment,ā the post says.
āBacked by society, the historic same-sex partnerships law and the law on hate crimes dropped from the parliamentās priority list. We must seize the opportunity to remind the government that ensuring dignity and equality for all Ukrainian citizens is not a second-tier priority. Organizing an LGBTQ+ civil rights march in Ukraine amid the ongoing Russian [sic] invasion is a complex and courageous endeavor.ā
ITALY

An Italian couple is planning to challenge social conventions even as they challenge the bonds of the earth itself, by becoming the first gay couple to get married in outer space.
Alessandro Monterosso, a 33-year-old health software entrepreneur, and Alec Sander, a 25-year-old recording artist, will exchange vows in 2025 aboard a private spaceflight offered by the U.S. company Space Perspective.
Space Perspective is not yet in commercial operation, but its website says it will offer bespoke experiences aboard a luxury capsule that is lifted to the edge of space by a hydrogen-filled balloon at a speed of 12 miles per hour.
Monterosso and Sander have booked a whole capsule for them and six guests at a cost of $125,000 per person, an even $1,000,000 total. They say they are not seeking sponsors.
Monterosso and Sander first met in Padua in 2017, and they dated for four years until Sander broke it off because it was difficult to date while Monterosso was still in the closet. A year later, they met up again and Monterosso asked Sander to marry him. Sander agreed, but he didnāt immediately know that his fiancĆ© wanted to hold the wedding in space.
āI was planning the trip as a civilian, to fulfill my childhood desire to become an astronaut. When I came into contact with the aerospace agency we relied on, it came naturally to me to ask:Ā but can I also get married in space?ā Monterosso told theĀ Corriere della Sera newspaper.
āIt seemed like such a romantic idea. I had struggled so much to accept myself as homosexual, not because I wasnāt sure, but because of the social context, and I told myself that now I would have to tell the whole world how I felt. Firstly because I know that there are many people who experience what I experienced, and then to confirm the infinite love I feel for Alec,ā he says.
But Monterosso and Sander have a political message behind their space wedding as well. Same-sex marriage is not legal in Italy, and its current far-right government has cracked down hard on same-sex parents.
āCouples like us are not always well regarded in Italy. In other places in the world, they are even illegal. In Russia we are considered terrorists. Well, we just want to say that itās time to normalize everything and amplify this message as much as possible. And if it is therefore so difficult to get married on Earth, then we are going to do it in space, with a galactic wedding whose aim is precisely to normalize these loves,ā Monterosso says. āThe message is aimed at people, because even today we still feel eyes on us if we hold hands while walking down the street. But if people normalize, politics must adapt.ā
Monterosso and Sander already have their sights set on more distant shores.
āFor our 20th anniversary, we are aiming for Mars,ā Monterosso says.
AUSTRALIA

The government of New South Wales issued a historic apology this week to queer people who were persecuted under old laws that criminalized same-sex intercourse.
New South Wales decriminalized same-sex intimacy in 1984, one of the last Australian states to do so. Forty years later, it has become the last state to issue an apology for criminalizing queer people, after all other states did so in 2016 and 2017.
Delivering a speech in the state parliament, New South Wales Premier Chris Minns said he ārecognizes and regrets this parliamentās role in enacting laws and endorsing policies of successive governmentsā decisions that criminalized, persecuted and harmed people based on their sexuality and gender.
Minnsās apology acknowledged people were harmed by these laws even if they werenāt directly charged or convicted under them.
āTo those who survived these terrible years, and to those who never made it through, we are truly sorry. Weāre sorry for every person convicted under legislation that should never have existed. For every person that experienced fear as a result of that legislation.
āEveryone who lost a job, who lost their future, or who lost the love of family and friends. We are very sorry for every person, convicted or otherwise, who were made to live a smaller life because of these laws,ā he said.
People who had been convicted under New South Walesās old sodomy laws have been eligible to have the convictions expunged since a law change in 2014.
Minnsā government recently passed a ban on conversion therapy in March, making New South Wales the fourth jurisdiction in Australia to do so.
The stateās only openly gay MP, Independent Alex Greenwich, says that the apology has to be followed by more action to promote equality.
Heās put forward his own bill that would close a loophole in anti-discrimination law to ban discrimination by religious schools against LGBTQ students and teachers, and would allow trans people to change their legal gender without having to undergo a medical procedure.
āI rise as the only openly gay member of the Legislative Assembly to contribute to this apology,ā Greenwich said in the state parliament. āI am one of only two in this chamberās 186-year-old history. This in itself shows how much work we need to do.ā
Eswatini
The emperor has no clothes: how rhetoric fuels repression in Eswatini
King Mswati IIIās anti-LGBTQ comments can have deadly consequences
In an absolute monarchy, the words spoken by the sovereign can swiftly become a baton striking a citizen. When King Mswati III speaks, his words do not simply drift into the air as political āopinionā; they often quickly turn into, sometimes violently, state policy. This reflects the reality of Eswatini, where the right to freedom of expression, including the right to hold dissenting political views, is increasingly being systematically eroded by the very voice that claims to uphold “traditional values.”
To understand the current crisis facing the LGBTIQ+ community in Eswatini, one must view it through the lens of a broader strategy: the weaponization of culture to justify the erosion of democratic institutions, the rule of law, and human rights protections. As observed across Africa, from the streets of Harare and Dar es Salaam to the parliamentary courtrooms of Dakar and Kampala, African leaders are increasingly using the marginalised as an entry point to dismantle civil society. In Eswatini, this strategy has manifest its most brutal expression in the kingās recent harmful rhetoric concerning sexual orientation and gender identity.
The danger of the kingās words lies in how the state apparatus interprets them as a divine mandate for persecution. Recently, we have seen this āRhetoric-to-Policy Pipelineā operate with chilling efficiency. Shortly after the Minister of Education made public vitriol against the existence of LGBTIQ+ students, reports emerged of children being expelled from schools. In a country where the king is culturally and traditionally called the āingwenyamaā (the lion), the bureaucracy acts as his pride; when leadership suggests that a particular group is āun-Africanā or ādeviant,ā the machinery of the state, along with the emboldened segments of the public, moves to purge that group from society.
For an openly gay man who has dedicated most of his adulthood to advancing equality and dignity for all, especially marginalized communities, these are not merely policy changes; they pose existential threats. When a powerful leader speaks, they offer a moral shield for the dogmatist and a legal roadmap for the policeman. In Eswatini, where political parties are banned, and theĀ ātinkhundlaā system (constituency-based system) ā a system that systematically silences dissent and favors those aligned with the sovereign ā is celebrated as the sole āauthenticā form of governance, any identity that falls outside the narrow, state-defined ātraditionā is seen as treason. By branding LGBTIQ+ rights as āungodlyā and essentially unwelcome in Eswatini, the monarchy effectively views the mere existence of queer Swazis as a subversive act against the crown.
The most harrowing example of this pattern is the assassination of human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko in January 2023. Masekoās murder did not happen in isolation. It followed a period of heated rhetoric directed at those calling for democratic reforms. The king had publicly warned those demanding change that they would face consequences. On the evening after the king had said, ā[t]hese people started the violence first, but when the state institutes a crackdown on them for their actions, they make a lot of noise blaming King Mswati for bringing in mercenaries,ā Maseko was shot dead at his home in front of his family.
The parallel here is unmistakable. When the king targets the LGBTIQ+ community with his words, he is aiming at the most vulnerable. If a world-renowned human rights lawyer can be silenced following royal condemnation, what chance does a queer youth in a rural area stand when the kingās words reach the local chief or school head? This is what I call āChaos as Governanceā: a state where the law is replaced by the monarch’s whims, leaving the population in a constant cycle of managed chaos that renders collective opposition nearly impossible. Despite strong condemnation from the organization I founded, Eswatini Sexual and Gender Minorities (ESGM), recent reports already suggest growing support for the rhetoric shared by the king, indicating treacherous weeks and months ahead for ordinary queer people in Eswatini.
The monarchyās defense of these actions is almost always based on āAfrican tradition.ā As Mswati has shown, the ban on political parties and the suppression of minority rights are framed as a return to indigenous governance, the ātinkhundlaā system. But we must ask: whose culture is being defended? Is it a culture that historically valued communal care and diverse social roles, or is it a modern, imported authoritarianism cloaked in the robes of the ancestors?
When he uses his platform at the āsibayaā (traditional gathering) to alienate a segment of his own people, he is not engaging in dialogue; he is delivering a monologue of exclusion. This weaponized version of culture serves a dual purpose. First, it offers a āneocolonialā defense against international criticism, portraying human rights as a foreign threat. Second, it creates an internal enemy, the āterroristā political dissident or the āimmoralā LGBTIQ+ person, to distract from the fact that nearly two-thirds of the population live below the poverty line. In contrast, the royal family resides in obscene luxury, acquiring fleets of expensive vehicles.
The silence of Eswatini’s neighbors worsens its situation. The Southern African Development Community (SADC), a regional organization ostensibly committed to democracy and human rights, has repeatedly allowed Mswati to evade accountability. By agreeing to remove Eswatini from the Organ Troika agenda at the kingās request in 2024, SADC sent a message to every authoritarian in the region. If you conceal your repression behind the guise of tradition, we will not intervene.
The call for freedom of expression, including LGBTIQ+ rights, is a fundamental human right vital for safety and dignity. It demands that a child should not be expelled from school because of who they are. It insists that a lawyer should not be murdered for expressing their beliefs. It states that a kingās word should not be a death sentence. We must resist the “politics of distraction” that portrays the fight for minority rights as separate from the fight for democratic reform. The dissolution of political parties in Burkina Faso, the attack on lawyers in Zimbabwe, and the criminalization of advocacy in Senegal, Tanzania, and Uganda are all parts of the same pattern. They reflect a leadership class that fears its own people.
It is time for the African Union and SADC to decide whether to uphold the ideals of their lofty charters or to prioritize political convenience across Africa. For the people of Eswatini, improving livelihoods and human development can only occur when the kingās words are limited by a constitution that protects every citizen, regardless of whom they love or how they pray. Until then, the chaos is not a failure; it is the purpose. The monarchās word may be law today, but the universal right to dignity is the only law that will endure. We must demand an Eswatini, and by extension, an Africa that seeks to improve the lives of its people, and where the ālionā protects all his people, rather than hunting those he deems āunworthyā of the shade.
Melusi Simelane is the founder and board chair of Eswatini Sexual and Gender Minorities. He is also the Civic Rights Program Manager for the Southern Africa Litigation Center.
Cuba
Cuba bajo presión y sin respuestas
Cubanos no hablan en tĆ©rminos geopolĆticos. Hablan de sobrevivir
Las tensiones entre Estados Unidos y Cuba han vuelto a subir de tono. No es algo nuevo, pero este momento se siente distinto. Las medidas mĆ”s recientes desde Washington buscan cerrar aĆŗn mĆ”s los espacios financieros del gobierno cubano, limitar sus fuentes de ingreso y presionar sectores clave de la economĆa. No es simbólico. Es una polĆtica directa.
Desde Estados Unidos, el mensaje es claro. Se busca provocar cambios que no han ocurrido en mĆ”s de seis dĆ©cadas. TambiĆ©n hay un componente interno, una presión polĆtica que responde a sectores del exilio que llevan aƱos exigiendo una postura mĆ”s dura. Todo eso forma parte del escenario.
Pero esa es solo una parte.
Del lado cubano, la respuesta sigue un patrón conocido. El gobierno habla de agresión externa, de guerra económica, de un embargo que se endurece. Cada medida se convierte en argumento para reforzar su narrativa y cerrar filas. No hay espacio para reconocer errores propios. Todo apunta hacia afuera.
Mientras tanto, la vida en la isla va por otro camino.
La crisis energética que hoy vive Cuba no empezó con estas medidas. Lleva años acumulÔndose. El sistema eléctrico estÔ deteriorado, sin mantenimiento suficiente, con fallas constantes. Los apagones no son nuevos. Lo que ha cambiado es la frecuencia y la duración.
Durante aƱos entró petróleo a Cuba, especialmente desde Venezuela. Hubo acuerdos. Hubo suministro. Y aun asĆ, la vida del cubano no mejoró. La electricidad seguĆa fallando, el combustible seguĆa racionado, el transporte seguĆa siendo un problema diario.
Entonces la pregunta sigue siendo la misma.
Si el petróleo estaba entrando, ¿por qué nada cambiaba?
¿Dónde fue a parar ese recurso?
¿Dónde estÔ el dinero que generó?
Hoy se habla de restricciones al petróleo como si fueran la causa principal de la crisis. No lo son. Empeoran una situación ya frÔgil, pero no la explican completamente.
Hay una historia mƔs larga que no se puede ignorar.
Lo mismo ocurre con las brigadas mƩdicas.
Durante aƱos se presentaron como un gesto de solidaridad internacional. Y en muchos casos lo fueron. MĆ©dicos cubanos trabajaron en condiciones difĆciles, salvaron vidas, sostuvieron sistemas de salud en otros paĆses. Eso es real.
Pero tambiƩn funcionaron como una de las principales fuentes de ingreso del Estado cubano.
Muchos de esos profesionales no recibĆan el salario completo por su trabajo. Una parte significativa quedaba en manos del gobierno. En algunos casos, ni siquiera tenĆan control sobre el dinero que generaban.
Y hay algo mƔs duro.
Si uno de esos mĆ©dicos decidĆa no regresar a Cuba, ese dinero no llegaba a su familia. Se quedaba retenido.
Hoy varios paĆses estĆ”n revisando o cancelando esos acuerdos. Y otra vez, la respuesta oficial es seƱalar hacia afuera. Pero la pregunta sigue siendo inevitable.
ĀæSe estĆ” perdiendo un modelo de cooperación o un sistema que dependĆa del control sobre sus propios profesionales?
Dentro de Cuba, la conversación suena diferente.
La gente no habla en tĆ©rminos geopolĆticos. Habla de sobrevivir. De cómo llegar al final del dĆa. De los apagones, de la comida que no alcanza, del transporte que no aparece, de una vida que cada vez se hace mĆ”s difĆcil.
Hay quienes miran las medidas de Estados Unidos con cierta expectativa. No porque quieran mÔs escasez, sino porque sienten que el sistema no cambia por sà solo. Hay una sensación de estancamiento que pesa.
Pero esa expectativa convive con una realidad concreta.
Las sanciones no golpean primero a quienes toman decisiones. Golpean al ciudadano común. Al que hace la fila. Al que pierde la comida por falta de electricidad. Al que no tiene cómo moverse.
Esa es la contradicción.
El gobierno cubano pide solidaridad internacional. Y la recibe. PaĆses que envĆan ayuda, organizaciones que se movilizan, voces que defienden a la isla.
Pero hay otra pregunta que tambiĆ©n estĆ” ahĆ.
ĀæEsa ayuda llega realmente al pueblo?
La falta de transparencia en la distribución de recursos es parte del problema. Porque no se trata solo de lo que entra, sino de lo que realmente llega a quienes lo necesitan.
Reducir lo que pasa en Cuba a un conflicto entre dos gobiernos es no querer ver el cuadro completo.
AquĆ hay responsabilidades compartidas, pero no iguales.
Estados Unidos ejerce presión con efectos reales sobre la economĆa cubana. Eso no se puede negar. Pero dentro de la isla hay un sistema que ha tenido dĆ©cadas para corregir, para abrir, para responder a su gente, y no lo ha hecho.
Esa parte no se puede seguir esquivando.
Yo escribo esto como cubano. Desde lo que vi, desde lo que vivĆ y desde la gente que sigue allĆ” tratando de resolver el dĆa.
Porque al final, mƔs allƔ de lo que se diga entre gobiernos, la realidad es otra.
Cuba hoy estĆ” mĆ”s apretada, sĆ. Pero tambiĆ©n lleva aƱos arrastrando problemas que nadie ha querido enfrentar de verdad.
Y mientras eso siga asĆ, da igual lo que venga de afuera. El problema sigue estando adentro.
Iran
LGBTQ groups condemn Trump’s threat to destroy Iranian civilization
Ceasefire announced less than two hours before Tuesday deadline
The Council for Global Equality is among the groups that condemned President Donald Trump on Tuesday over his latest threats against Iran.
Trump in a Truth Social post said “a whole civilization will die tonight” if Tehran did not reach an agreement with the U.S. by 8 p.m. ET on Tuesday.
Iran is among the handful of countries in which consensual same-sex sexual relations remain punishable by death.
Israel and the U.S. on Feb. 28 launched airstrikes against Iran.
One of them killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Iran in response launched missiles and drones against Israel and other countries that include Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Azerbaijan, and Cyprus.
Gas prices in the U.S. and around the world continue to increase because the war has essentially closed the Strait of Hormuz, a strategic waterway that connects the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman through which roughly 20 percent of the world’s crude oil passes.
Trump less than 90 minutes before his deadline announced a two-week ceasefire with Iran that Pakistan helped broker.
“We the undersigned human rights, humanitarian, civil liberties, faith-based and environmental organizations, think tanks and experts are deeply alarmed by President Trumpās threat regarding Iran that ‘a whole civilization will die tonight’ if his demands are not met. Such language describes a grave atrocity if carried out,” reads the statement that the Council for Global Equality more than 200 other organizations and human rights experts signed. “A threat to wipe out ‘a whole civilization’ may amount to a threat of genocide. Genocide is a crime defined by the Genocide Convention and by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court as committing one or more of several acts ‘with intent to destroy in whole or in part a national, racial or religious groups as such.'”
The statement states “the law is clear that civilians must not be targeted, and they must also be protected from indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks.”
“Strikes on civilian infrastructure ā such as the recent attack on a bridge and the attacks President Trump is repeatedly threatening to carry out to destroy power plants ā have devastating consequences for the civilian population and environment,” it reads.
“We urge all parties to respect international law,” adds the statement. “Those responsible for atrocities, including crimes against humanity and war crimes, can and must be held accountable.”
The Alliance for Diplomacy and Justice, Amnesty International USA, Human Rights Watch, the American Civil Liberties Union, the NAACP, MADRE, and the Robert and Ethel Kennedy Human Rights Center are among the other groups that signed the letter.
